Sumerian language

Language of ancient Sumer
Sumerian
𒅮𒂠
Emeg̃ir
Native toSumer and Akkad
RegionMesopotamia (modern-day Iraq)
EraAttested from c. 2900 BC. Went out of vernacular use around 1700 BC; used as a classical language until about 100 AD.[1]
Language family
Language isolate
Dialects
Writing system
Sumero-Akkadian cuneiform
Language codes
ISO 639-2sux
ISO 639-3sux
Linguist List
uga
Glottologsume1241
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Sumerian (Sumerian: 𒅮𒂠, romanized: Emeg̃ir, lit.''native language'') was the language of ancient Sumer. It is one of the oldest attested languages, dating back to at least 2900 BC. It is a local language isolate that was spoken in ancient Mesopotamia, in the area that is modern-day Iraq.

Akkadian, a Semitic language, gradually replaced Sumerian as the primary spoken language in the area c. 2000 BC (the exact date is debated),[4] but Sumerian continued to be used as a sacred, ceremonial, literary and scientific language in Akkadian-speaking Mesopotamian states such as Assyria and Babylonia until the 1st century AD.[5][6] Thereafter, it seems to have fallen into obscurity until the 19th century, when Assyriologists began deciphering the cuneiform inscriptions and excavated tablets that had been left by its speakers.

In spite of its extinction, Sumerian exerted a significant impact on the languages of the area. The cuneiform script, originally used for Sumerian, was widely adopted by numerous regional languages such as Akkadian, Elamite, Eblaite, Hittite, Hurrian, Luwian and Urartian; it similarly inspired the Old Persian alphabet which was used to write the eponymous language. The impact was perhaps the greatest on Akkadian whose grammar and vocabulary were significantly influenced by Sumerian.[7]

Stages

This proto-literate tablet (c. 3100 â€“ 2900 BC) records the transfer of a piece of land (Walters Art Museum, Baltimore)
The first known Sumerian-Akkadian bilingual tablet dates from the reign of Rimush. Louvre Museum AO 5477. The top half is in Sumerian, the bottom half is its translation in Akkadian.[8]

The history of written Sumerian can be divided into several periods:[9][10][11][12]

  • Proto-literate period – c. 3200 BC to c. 3000 BC
  • Archaic Sumerian â€“ c. 3000 BC to c. 2600 BC
  • Old or Classical Sumerian â€“ c. 2500 BC to c. 2350 BC
  • Old Akkadian Sumerian – c. 2350 – 2200 BC
  • Neo-Sumerian â€“ c. 2200 BC to c. 2000 BC, further divided into:
    • Early Neo-Sumerian (Lagash II period) – c. 2200 BC to c. 2100 BC
    • Late Neo-Sumerian (Ur III period) – c. 2110 BC to c. 2000 BC
  • Old Babylonian Sumerian – c. 2000 BC to c. 1600 BC
  • Post-Old Babylonian Sumerian – after c. 1600 BC.

The pictographic writing system used during the Proto-literate period (3200 BC – 3000 BC), corresponding to the Uruk III and Uruk IV periods in archeology, was still so rudimentary that there remains some scholarly disagreement about whether the language written with it is Sumerian at all, although it has been argued that there are some, albeit still very rare, cases of phonetic indicators and spelling that show this to be the case.[13] The texts from this period are mostly administrative.[9]

The next period, Archaic Sumerian (3000 BC – 2500 BC), is the first stage of inscriptions that indicate grammatical elements, so the identification of the language is certain. It includes some administrative texts and sign lists from Ur (c. 2800 BC). Texts from Shuruppak and Abu Salabikh from 2600 to 2500 BC (the so-called Fara period or Early Dynastic Period IIIa) are the first to span a greater variety of genres, including not only administrative texts and sign lists, but also legal and literary texts (including proverbs) and incantations; however, the spelling of grammatical elements remains optional.[9]

The Old Sumerian period (2500-2350 BC) is the first one from which well-understood texts survive. It corresponds mostly to the last part of the Early Dynastic period (ED IIIb) and specifically to the First Dynasty of Lagash, from where the overwhelming majority of surviving texts come. The sources include important royal inscriptions with historical content as well as extensive administrative records.[9] Sometimes included in the Old Sumerian stage is also the Old Akkadian period (c. 2350 BC – c. 2200 BC),[14] during which Mesopotamia, including Sumer, was united under the rule of the Akkadian Empire. At this time Akkadian functioned as the primary official language, but texts in Sumerian (primarily administrative) did continue to be produced as well.[9]

The first phase of the Neo-Sumerian period corresponds to the time of Gutian rule in Mesopotamia; the most important sources come from the autonomous Second Dynasty of Lagash, especially from the rule of Gudea, which has produced extensive royal inscriptions. The second phase corresponds to the unification of Mesopotamia under the Third Dynasty of Ur, which oversaw a "renaissance" in the use of Sumerian throughout Mesopotamia, using it as its sole official written language. There is a wealth of texts greater than from any preceding time – besides the extremely detailed and meticulous administrative records, there are numerous royal inscriptions, legal documents, letters and incantations.[14] In spite of the dominant position of written Sumerian during the Ur III dynasty, it is controversial to what extent it was actually spoken or had already gone extinct in most parts of its empire,[4][15] as there are indications that many scribes[4][16] and even the royal court actually used Akkadian as their main spoken and native language.[16] Evidence has been adduced to the effect that native Sumerian speakers persisted, but only as a minority of the population.[16]

By the Old Babylonian period (c. 2000 – c. 1600 BC), Akkadian had clearly supplanted Sumerian as a spoken language in nearly all of its original territory, whereas Sumerian continued its existence as a liturgical and classical language for religious, artistic and scholarly purposes. In addition, it has been argued that Sumerian persisted as a spoken language at least in a small part of Southern Mesopotamia (Nippur and its surroundings) until as late as 1700 BC.[4] Nonetheless, it seems clear that by far the majority of scribes writing in Sumerian in this point were not native speakers and errors resulting from their Akkadian mother tongue become apparent.[17] The written language of administration, law and royal inscriptions continued to be Sumerian in the undoubtedly Semitic-speaking successor states of Ur III during the so-called Isin-Larsa period (c. 2000 BC – c. 1750 BC). The Old Babylonian Empire, however, mostly used Akkadian in inscriptions, sometimes adding Sumerian versions.[16][18]

The Old Babylonian period, especially its early part,[9] has produced extremely numerous and varied Sumerian literary texts: myths, epics, hymns, prayers, wisdom literature and letters. In fact, nearly all preserved Sumerian religious and wisdom literature[19] and the overwhelming majority of surviving manuscripts of Sumerian literary texts in general[20][21] can be dated to that time, and it is often seen as the "classical age" of Sumerian literature.[22] Conversely, far more literary texts on tablets surviving from the Old Babylonian period are in Sumerian than in Akkadian, even though that time is viewed as the classical period of Babylonian culture and language.[23][24][21] However, it has sometimes been suggested that many or most of these "Old Babylonian Sumerian" texts may be copies of works that were originally composed in the preceding Ur III period or earlier, and some copies or fragments of known compositions or literary genres have indeed been found in tablets of Neo-Sumerian and Old Sumerian provenance.[25][21] In addition, some of the first bilingual Sumerian-Akkadian lexical lists are preserved from that time (although the lists were still usually monolingual and Akkadian translations did not become common until the late Middle Babylonian period)[26] and there are also grammatical texts - essentially bilingual paradigms listing Sumerian grammatical forms and their postulated Akkadian equivalents.[27]

After the Old Babylonian period[11] or, according to some, as early as 1700 BC,[9] the active use of Sumerian declined. Scribes did continue to produce texts in Sumerian at a more modest scale, but generally with interlinear Akkadian translations[28] and only part of the literature known in the Old Babylonian period continued to be copied after its end around 1600 BC.[19] During the Middle Babylonian period, approximately from 1600 to 1000 BC, the Kassite rulers continued to use Sumerian in many of their inscriptions,[29][30] but Akkadian seems to have taken the place of Sumerian as the primary language of texts used for the training of scribes[31] and their Sumerian itself acquires an increasingly artificial and Akkadian-influenced form.[19][32][33] In some cases a text may not even have been meant to be read in Sumerian; instead, it may have functioned as a prestigious way of "encoding" Akkadian via Sumerograms (cf. Japanese kanbun).[32] Nonetheless, the study of Sumerian and copying of Sumerian texts remained an integral part of scribal education and literary culture of Mesopotamia and surrounding societies influenced by it[29][30][34][35][a] and it retained that role until the eclipse of the tradition of cuneiform literacy itself in the beginning of the Common Era. The most popular genres for Sumerian texts after the Old Babylonian period were incantations, liturgical texts and proverbs; most commonly, the classics Lugal-e and An-gim were copied.[19]

Classification

Sumerian is widely accepted to be a local language isolate.[37][38][39][40] Sumerian was at one time widely held to be an Indo-European language, but that view has been almost universally rejected.[41] Since its decipherment in the early 20th century, scholars have tried to relate Sumerian to a wide variety of languages. Because Sumerian has prestige as the first attested written language, proposals for linguistic affinity sometimes have a nationalistic flavour, leading to attempts to link Sumerian with a range of widely disparate groups such as the Austroasiatic languages,[42] Dravidian languages,[43] Uralic languages such as Hungarian and Finnish,[44][45][46][47] and Sino-Tibetan languages.[48] Turkish nationalists have claimed that Sumerian was a Turkic language as part of the Sun language theory.[49][50] Additionally, long-range proposals have attempted to include Sumerian in broad macrofamilies.[51][52] Such proposals enjoy virtually no support among modern linguists, Sumerologists and Assyriologists and are typically seen as fringe theories.[53]

It has also been suggested that the Sumerian language descended from a late prehistoric creole language (Hþyrup 1992).[54] However, no conclusive evidence, only some typological features, can be found to support Hþyrup's view. A more widespread hypothesis posits a Proto-Euphratean language that preceded Sumerian in Mesopotamia and exerted an areal influence on it, especially in the form of polysyllabic words that appear "un-Sumerian"—making them suspect of being loanwords—and are not traceable to any other known language. There is little speculation as to the affinities of this substratum language, or these languages, and it is thus best treated as unclassified.[55] Other researchers disagree with the assumption of a single substratum language and argue that several languages are involved.[56] A related proposal by Gordon Whittaker[57] is that the language of the proto-literary texts from the Late Uruk period (c. 3350–3100 BC) is really an early Indo-European language which he terms "Euphratic".

Writing system

Development

Letter sent by the high-priest Lu'enna to the king of Lagash (maybe Urukagina), informing him of his son's death in combat, c. 2400 BC, found in Telloh (ancient Girsu)
Vase of Entemena, king of Lagash, with dedication. Louvre AO2674, c. 2400 BC

Pictographic proto-writing was used starting in c. 3300 BC. It is unclear what underlying language it encoded, if any. By c. 2800 BC, some tablets began using syllabic elements that clearly indicated a relation to the Sumerian language. Around 2600 BC,[58][59] cuneiform symbols were developed using a wedge-shaped stylus to impress the shapes into wet clay. This cuneiform ("wedge-shaped") mode of writing co-existed with the proto-cuneiform archaic mode. Deimel (1922) lists 870 signs used in the Early Dynastic IIIa period (26th century). In the same period the large set of logographic signs had been simplified into a logosyllabic script comprising several hundred signs. Rosengarten (1967) lists 468 signs used in Sumerian (pre-Sargonian) Lagash.

The cuneiform script was adapted to Akkadian writing beginning in the mid-third millennium. Over the long period of bi-lingual overlap of active Sumerian and Akkadian usage the two languages influenced each other, as reflected in numerous loanwords and even word order changes.[60]

Transcription

Depending on the context, a cuneiform sign can be read either as one of several possible logograms, each of which corresponds to a word in the Sumerian spoken language, as a phonetic syllable (V, VC, CV, or CVC), or as a determinative (a marker of semantic category, such as occupation or place). (See the article Cuneiform.) Some Sumerian logograms were written with multiple cuneiform signs. These logograms are called diri-spellings, after the logogram 𒋛𒀀 'diri' which is written with the signs 𒋛 SI and 𒀀 A. The text transliteration of a tablet will show just the logogram, such as the word 'diri', not the separate component signs.

Not all epigraphists are equally reliable, and before publication of an important treatment of a text, scholars will often arrange to collate the published transcription against the actual tablet, to see if any signs, especially broken or damaged signs, should be represented differently.

Historiography

Sumero-Akkadian cuneiform syllabary
Left: Sumero-Akkadian cuneiform syllabary, used by early Akkadian rulers.[61] Right: Seal of Akkadian Empire ruler Naram-Sin (reversed for readability), c. 2250 BC. The name of Naram-Sin (Akkadian: đ’€­đ’ˆŸđ’Šđ’„ đ’€­đ’‚—đ’Ș: DNa-ra-am DSĂźn, SĂźn being written 𒂗đ’Ș EN.ZU), appears vertically in the right column.[62] British Museum.

The key to reading logosyllabic cuneiform came from the Behistun inscription, a trilingual cuneiform inscription written in Old Persian, Elamite and Akkadian. (In a similar manner, the key to understanding Egyptian hieroglyphs was the bilingual [Greek and Egyptian with the Egyptian text in two scripts] Rosetta stone and Jean-François Champollion's transcription in 1822.)

In 1838 Henry Rawlinson, building on the 1802 work of Georg Friedrich Grotefend, was able to decipher the Old Persian section of the Behistun inscriptions, using his knowledge of modern Persian. When he recovered the rest of the text in 1843, he and others were gradually able to translate the Elamite and Akkadian sections of it, starting with the 37 signs he had deciphered for the Old Persian. Meanwhile, many more cuneiform texts were coming to light from archaeological excavations, mostly in the Semitic Akkadian language, which were duly deciphered.

By 1850, however, Edward Hincks came to suspect a non-Semitic origin for cuneiform. Semitic languages are structured according to consonantal forms, whereas cuneiform, when functioning phonetically, was a syllabary, binding consonants to particular vowels. Furthermore, no Semitic words could be found to explain the syllabic values given to particular signs.[63] Julius Oppert suggested that a non-Semitic language had preceded Akkadian in Mesopotamia, and that speakers of this language had developed the cuneiform script.

In 1855 Rawlinson announced the discovery of non-Semitic inscriptions at the southern Babylonian sites of Nippur, Larsa, and Uruk.

In 1856, Hincks argued that the untranslated language was agglutinative in character. The language was called "Scythic" by some, and, confusingly, "Akkadian" by others. In 1869, Oppert proposed the name "Sumerian", based on the known title "King of Sumer and Akkad", reasoning that if Akkad signified the Semitic portion of the kingdom, Sumer might describe the non-Semitic annex.

Credit for being first to scientifically treat a bilingual Sumerian-Akkadian text belongs to Paul Haupt, who published Die sumerischen Familiengesetze (The Sumerian family laws) in 1879.[64]

Ernest de Sarzec began excavating the Sumerian site of Tello (ancient Girsu, capital of the state of Lagash) in 1877, and published the first part of Découvertes en Chaldée with transcriptions of Sumerian tablets in 1884. The University of Pennsylvania began excavating Sumerian Nippur in 1888.

A Classified List of Sumerian Ideographs by R. BrĂŒnnow appeared in 1889.

The bewildering number and variety of phonetic values that signs could have in Sumerian led to a detour in understanding the language – a Paris-based orientalist, Joseph HalĂ©vy, argued from 1874 onward that Sumerian was not a natural language, but rather a secret code (a cryptolect), and for over a decade the leading Assyriologists battled over this issue. For a dozen years, starting in 1885, Friedrich Delitzsch accepted HalĂ©vy's arguments, not renouncing HalĂ©vy until 1897.[65]

François Thureau-Dangin working at the Louvre in Paris also made significant contributions to deciphering Sumerian with publications from 1898 to 1938, such as his 1905 publication of Les inscriptions de Sumer et d'Akkad. Charles Fossey at the CollĂšge de France in Paris was another prolific and reliable scholar. His pioneering Contribution au Dictionnaire sumĂ©rien–assyrien, Paris 1905–1907, turns out to provide the foundation for P. Anton Deimel's 1934 Sumerisch-Akkadisches Glossar (vol. III of Deimel's 4-volume Sumerisches Lexikon).

In 1908, Stephen Herbert Langdon summarized the rapid expansion in knowledge of Sumerian and Akkadian vocabulary in the pages of Babyloniaca, a journal edited by Charles Virolleaud, in an article "Sumerian-Assyrian Vocabularies", which reviewed a valuable new book on rare logograms by Bruno Meissner.[66] Subsequent scholars have found Langdon's work, including his tablet transcriptions, to be not entirely reliable.

In 1944, the Sumerologist Samuel Noah Kramer provided a detailed and readable summary of the decipherment of Sumerian in his Sumerian Mythology.[67]

Friedrich Delitzsch published a learned Sumerian dictionary and grammar in the form of his Sumerisches Glossar and GrundzĂŒge der sumerischen Grammatik, both appearing in 1914. Delitzsch's student, Arno Poebel, published a grammar with the same title, GrundzĂŒge der sumerischen Grammatik, in 1923, and for 50 years it would be the standard for students studying Sumerian. Poebel's grammar was finally superseded in 1984 on the publication of The Sumerian Language: An Introduction to its History and Grammatical Structure, by Marie-Louise Thomsen. While much of Thomsen's understanding of Sumerian grammar would later be rejected by most or all Sumerologists, Thomsen's grammar (often with express mention of the critiques put forward by Pascal Attinger in his 1993 ElĂ©ments de linguistique sumĂ©rienne: La construction de du11/e/di 'dire') is the starting point of most recent academic discussions of Sumerian grammar.

More recent monograph-length grammars of Sumerian include Dietz-Otto Edzard's 2003 Sumerian Grammar and Bram Jagersma's 2010 A Descriptive Grammar of Sumerian (currently digital, but soon to be printed in revised form by Oxford University Press). Piotr Michalowski's essay (entitled, simply, "Sumerian") in the 2004 The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the World's Ancient Languages has also been recognized as a good modern grammatical sketch.

There is relatively little consensus, even among reasonable Sumerologists, in comparison to the state of most modern or classical languages. Verbal morphology, in particular, is hotly disputed. In addition to the general grammars, there are many monographs and articles about particular areas of Sumerian grammar, without which a survey of the field could not be considered complete.

The primary institutional lexical effort in Sumerian is the Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary project, begun in 1974. In 2004, the PSD was released on the Web as the ePSD. The project is currently supervised by Steve Tinney. It has not been updated online since 2006, but Tinney and colleagues are working on a new edition of the ePSD, a working draft of which is available online.

Phonology

Assumed phonological or morphological forms will be between slashes //, with plain text used for the standard Assyriological transcription of Sumerian. Most of the following examples are unattested. Note also that, not unlike most other pre-modern orthographies, Sumerian cuneiform spelling is highly variable, so the transcriptions and the cuneiform examples will generally show only one or at most a few common graphic forms out of many that may actually occur.

Modern knowledge of Sumerian phonology is flawed and incomplete because of the lack of speakers, the transmission through the filter of Akkadian phonology and the difficulties posed by the cuneiform script. As I. M. Diakonoff observes, "when we try to find out the morphophonological structure of the Sumerian language, we must constantly bear in mind that we are not dealing with a language directly but are reconstructing it from a very imperfect mnemonic writing system which had not been basically aimed at the rendering of morphophonemics".[68]

Consonants

Early Sumerian is conjectured to have had at least the consonants listed in the table below. The consonants in brackets are reconstructed by some scholars based on indirect evidence; if they existed, they were lost around the Ur III period in the late 3rd millennium BC.

Sumerian consonant phonemes
Bilabial Alveolar Postalveolar Velar Glottal
Nasal m ⟨m⟩ n ⟨n⟩ Ƌ ⟨g̃⟩
Plosive plain p ⟨b⟩ t ⟨d⟩ k ⟨g⟩ (ʔ)
aspirated pÊ° ⟨p⟩ tÊ° ⟨t⟩ kÊ° ⟨k⟩
Fricative s ⟨s⟩ ʃ ⟨ĆĄ⟩ x ⟨áž«~h⟩ (h)
Affricate plain tÍĄs ⟨z⟩
aspirated tÍĄsÊ°? ⟨ƙ~dr⟩
Tap ÉŸ ⟨r⟩
Liquid l ⟨l⟩
Semivowel (j)

The existence of various other consonants has been hypothesized based on graphic alternations and loans, though none have found wide acceptance. For example, Diakonoff lists evidence for two lateral phonemes, two rhotics, two back fricatives, and two g-sounds (excluding the velar nasal), and assumes a phonemic difference between consonants that are dropped word-finally (such as the g in 𒍠 zag > za3) and consonants that remain (such as the g in đ’†·đ’€ lag). Other "hidden" consonant phonemes that have been suggested include semivowels such as /j/ and /w/,[75] and a glottal fricative /h/ or a glottal stop that could explain the absence of vowel contraction in some words[76]—though objections have been raised against that as well.[77] A recent descriptive grammar by Bram Jagersma includes /j/, /h/, and /ʔ/ as unwritten consonants, with the glottal stop even serving as the first-person pronominal prefix. However, these unwritten consonants had been lost by the Ur III period according to Jagersma.[78]

Very often, a word-final consonant was not expressed in writing—and was possibly omitted in pronunciation—so it surfaced only when followed by a vowel: for example the /k/ of the genitive case ending -ak does not appear in đ’‚đ’ˆ—đ’†· e2 lugal-la "the king's house", but it becomes obvious in đ’‚đ’ˆ—đ’†·đ’„° e2 lugal-la-kam "(it) is the king's house" (compare liaison in French). Jagersma believes that the lack of expression of word-final consonants was originally mostly a graphic convention,[79] but that in the late 3rd millennium voiceless aspirated stops and affricates (/pÊ°/, /tÊ°/, /kÊ°/ and /tsÊ°/ were, indeed, gradually lost in syllable-final position, as were the unaspirated stops /d/ and /g/.[80]

Vowels

The vowels that are clearly distinguished by the cuneiform script are /a/, /e/, /i/, and /u/. Various researchers have posited the existence of more vowel phonemes such as /o/ and even /ɛ/ and /ɔ/, which would have been concealed by the transmission through Akkadian, as that language does not distinguish them.[81][82] That would explain the seeming existence of numerous homophones in transliterated Sumerian, as well as some details of the phenomena mentioned in the next paragraph.[83] These hypotheses are not yet generally accepted.[71] Phonemic vowel length has also been posited by some scholars based on vowel length in Sumerian loanwords in Akkadian and occasional so-called plene spellings with extra vowel signs.[84][85]

During the Old Sumerian period, the southern dialects (Lagash, Umma, Ur and Uruk),[86] which also provide the overwhelming majority of material from that stage, exhibited a vowel harmony rule based on vowel height or advanced tongue root.[81] Essentially, morphemes containing /e/ alternated between [e] in front of syllables containing open vowels and [i] in front of syllables containing close vowels; e.g. đ’‚Šđ’œ e-kaĆĄ4 "he runs", but 𒉌đ’ș i3-du he goes". Jagersma explains some absences of such an alternation with the fact that the unaffected vowels were long or stressed.[86] In addition, some have argued for a second vowel harmony rule.[87][82]

There also appear to be many cases of partial or complete assimilation of the vowel of certain prefixes and suffixes to one in the adjacent syllable reflected in writing in some of the later periods, and there is a noticeable, albeit not absolute, tendency for disyllabic stems to have the same vowel in both syllables.[88] These patterns, too, are interpreted as evidence for a richer vowel inventory by some researchers.[81][82] For example, we find forms like đ’‚”đ’œ ga-kaĆĄ4 "let me run", but, from the Neo-Sumerian period onwards, occasional spellings like 𒄘đ’ș gu2-du "let me go". According to Jagersma, these assimilations are limited to open syllables[89] and, as with vowel harmony, Jagersma interprets their absence as the result of vowel length or of stress in at least some cases.[89] There is evidence of various cases of elision of vowels, apparently in unstressed syllables; in particular an initial vowel in a word of more than two syllables seems to have been elided in many cases.[89] What appears to be vowel contraction in hiatus (*/aa/, */ia/, */ua/ > a, */ae/ > a, */ie/ > i or e, */ue/ > u or e, etc.) is also very common.[90]

Syllables could have any of the following structures: V, CV, VC, CVC. More complex syllables, if Sumerian had them, are not expressed as such by the cuneiform script.

Stress

Sumerian stress is usually presumed to have been dynamic, since it seems to have caused vowel elisions on many occasions. Opinions vary on its placement. The adaptation of Akkadian words of Sumerian origin seems to suggest that Sumerian stress tended to be on the last syllable of the word, at least in its citation form.[91][92] The treatment of forms with enclitics is less clear. Many cases of apheresis in forms with enclitics have been interpreted as entailing that the same rule was true of the phonological word on many occasions, i.e. that the stress could be shifted onto the enclitics; however, the fact that many of these same enclitics have allomorphs with apocopated final vowels (e.g. /‑ơe/ ~ /-ơ/) suggests that they were, on the contrary, unstressed when these allomorphs arose.[91]

Orthography

Sumerian writing expressed pronunciation only roughly. It was often morphophonemic, so much of the allomorphic variation could be ignored.[93] Especially in earlier Sumerian, coda consonants were often ignored in spelling; e.g. /mung̃areĆĄ/ 'they put it here' could be written đ’ˆŹđ’ƒ»đ’Œ· mu-g̃ar-re2. The use of VC signs for that purpose, producing more elaborate spellings such as đ’ˆŹđ’ŒŠđ’ƒ»đ’Œ·đ’Œ mu-un-g̃ar-re2-eĆĄ3, became more common only in the Neo-Sumerian and especially in the Old Babylonian period.[94] Conversely, an intervocalic consonant, especially at the end of a morpheme followed by a vowel-initial morpheme, was usually "repeated" by the use of a CV sign for the same consonant; e.g. 𒊬 sar 'write' - 𒊬𒊏 sar-ra 'written'. This results in orthographic gemination that is usually reflected in Sumerological transliteration, but does not actually designate any phonological phenomenon such as length.[95] In fact, as noted above, many consonants seem to have been elided unless followed by a vowel at various stages in the history of Sumerian, so when the following consonant appears in front of a vowel, it can be said to be expressed only by the next sign. For example, 𒊼 ĆĄag4 "heart" may also be transliterated as ĆĄa3, and accordingly đ’Šźđ’‚” ĆĄag4-ga "in the heart" can also be interpreted as ĆĄa3-ga.

Of course, when a CVC sound sequence is expressed by a sequence of signs with the sound values CV-VC, that does not necessarily indicate a long vowel or a sequence of identical vowels either. To mark such a thing, so-called "plene" writings with an additional vowel sign repeating the preceding vowel were used, although that never came to be done systematically. A typical plene writing involved a sequence such as (C)V-V(-VC/CV), e.g. đ’‚Œđ’€€ ama-a for /amaa/ < {ama-e} 'the mother (ergative case)').[96]

Sumerian texts vary in the degree to which they use logograms or opt for syllabic (phonetic) spellings instead: e.g. the word đ’ƒ» g̃ar "put" may also be written phonetically as đ’‚·đ’…ˆ g̃a2-ar. They also vary in the degree to which allomorphic variation was expressed: 𒅎𒄄𒌍 im-gi4-eĆĄ or 𒅎𒄄𒅖 im-gi4-iĆĄ for "they returned". While early Sumerian writing was highly logographic, there was a tendency towards more phonetic spelling in the Neo-Sumerian period.[97] Consistent syllabic spelling was employed when writing down the Emesal dialect (since the usual logograms would have been read in Emegir by default), for the purpose of teaching the language and often in recording incantations.[98]

Grammar

Ever since its decipherment, research of Sumerian has been made difficult not only by the lack of any native speakers, but also by the relative sparseness of linguistic data, the apparent lack of a closely related language, and the features of the writing system. Typologically, Sumerian is classified as an agglutinative, ergative (consistently so in its nominal morphology and split ergative in its verbal morphology), and subject-object-verb language.[99]

Nominal morphology

Noun phrases

The Sumerian noun is typically a one or two-syllable root (𒅆 igi "eye", 𒂍 e2 "house, household", 𒎏 nin "lady"), although there are also some roots with three syllables like 𒆠𒇮 ơakanka "market". There are two grammatical genders, which have been variously called animate and inanimate,[100][101][102][103] human and non-human,[104][105] or personal/person and impersonal/non-person.[106][107] Their assignment is semantically predictable: the first gender includes humans, gods and, in some instances, the word for "statue", while the second one includes animals, plants, non-living objects, abstract concepts and collective plural nouns. Since the second gender includes animals, the use of the terms animate and inanimate is somewhat misleading[106] and conventional,[101] but since it is most common in the literature, it will be maintained in this article.

The adjectives and other modifiers follow the noun (đ’ˆ—đ’ˆ€ lugal maáž« "great king"). The noun itself is not inflected; rather, grammatical markers attach to the noun phrase as a whole, in a certain order. Typically, that order would be:

noun adjective numeral genitive phrase relative clause possessive marker plural marker case marker

An example may be:[108]

𒀭đ’ƒČđ’ƒČ𒈬𒉈𒊏

dig̃ir

god

gal-gal-g̃u-(e)ne-ra

great-REDUP-1.POSS-PL.AN-DAT

dig̃ir gal-gal-g̃u-(e)ne-ra

god great-REDUP-1.POSS-PL.AN-DAT

"for my great gods"

The possessive, plural and case markers are traditionally referred to as "suffixes", but have recently also been described as enclitics[109] or postpositions.[110]

The plural marker proper is (𒂊)𒉈 /-(e)ne/. It is used only with nouns of the animate gender and its use is optional. It is generally omitted when other parts of the clause indicate the plurality of the referent.[111] Thus, it is not used if the noun is modified by a numeral. It is also not used when the verb form in the clause indicates the number of the noun. This is generally the case when the noun phrase is in the absolutive case: e.g. lu2 ba-zaáž«3-zaáž«3-eĆĄ đ’‡œđ’€đ’€„đ’€„đ’Œ "the men ran away", đ’‡œđ’ˆŹđ’‚Šđ’†Ș𒁉𒌍 lu2 mu-e-dab5-be2-eĆĄ "I caught the men". The plural marker is not used when referring to a collective, because a collective is treated as inanimate; e.g. 𒀳 engar "farmer" with no plural marker may refer to "(the group of) farmers".[111]

As the following example shows, the marker is appended to the end of the phrase, even after a relative clause:[111]

đ’‡œđ’‚đ’…”đ’†•đ’€€đ’‰ˆ
lu2 e2 in-ƙu2-a-ne

lu

man

e

house

i-n-ƙu-a-(e)ne

FIN-3.A-build-NMLZ-PL.AN

lu e i-n-ƙu-a-(e)ne

man house FIN-3.A-build-NMLZ-PL.AN

"the men who built the house"

Likewise, the plural marker is usually (albeit not always) added only once when a whole series of coordinated nouns have plural reference:[111]

𒀳đ’‰șđ’‡»đ’‹—đ’„©đ’‚Šđ’‰ˆ
engar sipad ơu-kuƙ-e-ne

engar

farmer

sipad

shepherd

ơukuƙ-ene

fisherman-PL.AN

engar sipad ơukuƙ-ene

farmer shepherd fisherman-PL.AN

"farmers, shepherds and fishermen"

Another way in which a kind of plurality is expressed is by means of reduplication of the noun: 𒀭𒀭 dig̃ir-dig̃ir "gods", 𒌈𒌈 ib2-ib2 "hips". However, this construction is usually considered to have a more specialized meaning, variously interpreted as totality ("all the gods", "both of my hips")[112] or distribution/separateness ("each of the gods taken separately").[113][114] An especially frequently occurring reduplicated word, 𒆳𒆳 kur-kur "foreign lands", may have simply plural meaning,[113] and in very late usage, the meaning of the reduplication in general might be simple plurality.[112]

At least a few adjectives (notably đ’ƒČ gal "great" and 𒌉 tur "small") are also reduplicated when the noun they modify has plural reference: 𒀀đ’ƒČđ’ƒČ a gal-gal "the great waters".[115] This is sometimes interpreted as an expression of simple plurality,[116] while a minority view is that the meaning of these forms is not purely plural, but rather the same as that of noun reduplication.[114]

Two other ways of expressing plurality are characteristic only of very late Sumerian usage and have made their way into Sumerograms used in writing Akkadian and other languages. One is used with inanimate nouns and consists of the modification of the noun with the adjective 𒄭𒀀 áž«i-a "various" (lit. "mixed"), e.g. 𒇻𒄭𒀀 udu áž«i-a "sheep".[117] The other is adding the 3rd person plural form of the enclitic copula 𒈹𒌍 -me-eĆĄ to a noun (𒈗𒈹𒌍 lugal-me-eĆĄ "kings", originally "they (who) are kings").[118]

The generally recognized case markers are:

case ending most common spelling[119] approximate English equivalents and function[120]
absolutive /-Ø/ intransitive subject or transitive object
ergative /-e/[b] (primarily with animates)[c] (𒂊 -e) transitive subject
directive /-e/ (only with inanimates)[d] (𒂊 -e) "in(to) contact with", "upon", "for", "as for"; causee
genitive /-a(k)/[e] (𒀀 -a) "of"
equative /-gin/ 𒁶 -gin7 "as", "like"
dative /-r(a)/[f] (only with animates)[g] 𒊏 -ra "to", "for", "upon", causee
terminative /-(e)ơ(e)/[h] 𒂠 -ơe3 "to", "towards", "for", "until", "in exchange (for)", "instead if", "as for", "because of"
comitative /-d(a)/[i] 𒁕 -da "(together) with", "because of"
locative /-a/ (only with inanimates)[j] (𒀀 -a) "in/into", "on/onto", "about"
ablative (only with inanimates)[k] /-ta/ đ’‹« -ta "from", "since", "by (means of)", "in addition to"/"with", distributive ("each")

The final vowels of most of the above markers are subject to loss if they are attached to vowel-final words.

More endings are recognized by some researchers; e.g. Bram Jagersma notes a separate adverbiative case in 𒂠/𒌍 eĆĄ2/eĆĄ "in the manner of", e.g. 𒆰𒂠 numun-eĆĄ2 'as seeds', 'in the manner of seeds', and a second locative in 𒉈/𒉌 -ne/ne2 used mostly with non-finite verb forms (see the Syntax section).[127] In addition, there are the enclitic particles đ’ˆŸđ’€­đ’ˆŸ na-an-na meaning "without"[128] and (𒀀)𒅗𒉆 (-a)-ka-nam -/akanam/ (in earlier Sumerian) or (𒀀)đ’†€đ’Œ (-a)-ke4-eĆĄ2 -/akeĆĄ/ "because of" (in later Sumerian).[129]

Additional spatial or temporal meanings can be expressed by genitive phrases like "at the head of" = "above", "at the face of" = "in front of", "at the outer side of" = "because of" etc.:

đ’‡đ’‡»đ’Œ“đ’…—
bar udu áž«ad2-ak-a

bar

outer.side

udu

sheep

áž«ad-ak-a

white-GEN-LOC

bar udu áž«ad-ak-a

outer.side sheep white-GEN-LOC

"because of a white sheep"

The embedded structure of the noun phrase can be further illustrated with the following phrase:

đ’‰șđ’‡»đ’‡»đ’‹ đ’…—đ’†€đ’‰ˆ
sipad udu siki-ka-ke4-ne

sipad

shepherd

udu

sheep

siki-(a)k-ak-ene

wool-GEN-GEN-PL.AN

sipad udu siki-(a)k-ak-ene

shepherd sheep wool-GEN-GEN-PL.AN

"shepherds of woolly sheep"

Here, the first genitive morpheme (-a(k)) subordinates 𒋠 siki "wool" to 𒇻 udu "sheep", and the second subordinates 𒇻𒋠 udu siki-(a)k "sheep of wool" (or "woolly sheep") to đ’‰ș𒇻 sipad "shepherd".[130]

Pronouns

The attested personal pronouns are:

independent possessive suffix/enclitic
1st person singular đ’‚·(𒂊) g̃e26(-e) 𒈬 -g̃u10
2nd person singular 𒍱 ze2, Old Babylonian 𒍝𒂊 za-e đ’Ș -zu
3rd person singular animate 𒀀𒉈 a-ne or 𒂊𒉈 e-ne[l] (𒀀)𒉌 -(a)-ni
3rd person inanimate[m] 𒁉 -bi
1st person plural (𒈹𒂗𒉈𒂗 me-en-de3-en?, 𒈹 me?)[n] 𒈹 -me
2nd person plural (𒈹𒂗𒍱𒂗 me-en-ze2-en?)[o] đ’Ș𒉈𒉈 -zu-ne-ne
3rd person plural animate 𒀀/𒂊𒉈𒉈 a/e-ne-ne[p] 𒀀/𒂊𒉈𒉈 (-a)-ne-ne, 𒁉 -bi[137]

The stem vowels of đ’‚·(𒂊) g̃e26(-e) and 𒂊 ze2 are assimilated to a following case suffix containing /a/ and then have the forms đ’‚· g̃a- and 𒍝 za-; e.g. 𒍝𒊏 za-ra 'to you (sg.)'.

As far as demonstrative pronouns are concerned, Sumerian most commonly uses the enclitic 𒁉 -bi to express the meaning "this". There are rare instances of other demonstrative enclitics such as 𒂊 -e "this", đ’Šș -ĆĄe "that" and 𒊑 -re "that", where perhaps the third denoted something further away than the second.[138] The independent demonstrative pronouns are 𒉈𒂗/𒉈𒂊 ne-e(n) "this (thing)" and 𒄯 ur5 "that (thing)";[139] -ne(n) might also be used as another enclitic.[140] "Now" is 𒉌𒉈𒋧 i3-ne-ĆĄe3. For "then" and "there", the declined noun phrases 𒌓𒁀 ud-ba "at that time" and 𒆠𒁀 ki-ba "at that place" are used; "so" is 𒄯𒁶 ur5-gin7, lit. "like that".[141]

The interrogative pronouns are 𒀀𒁀 a-ba "who" and đ’€€đ’ˆŸ a-na "what" (also used as "whoever" and "whatever" when introducing dependent clauses). The stem for "where" is 𒈹 me-[142] (used in the locative, terminative and ablative to express "where", "whither" and "whence", respectively[143][144][145]) . "When" is đ’‡·/𒂗 en3/en,[142] but also the stem 𒈹(𒂊)đ’ˆŸ me-(e)-na is attested for "when" (in the emphatic form me-na-am3 and in the terminative me-na-ĆĄe3 "until when?", "how long?").[146] "How" and "why" are expressed by đ’€€đ’ˆŸđ’€ž a-na-aĆĄ (lit. "what for?") and 𒀀𒁶 a-gin7 "how" (an equative case form, perhaps "like what?").[142] The expected form đ’€€đ’ˆŸđ’¶ a-na-gin7 is used in Old Babylonian.[144]

An indefinite pronoun is đ’ˆŸđ’ˆš na-me "any", which is only attested in attributive function until Old Babylonian,[147] but may also stand alone in the sense "anyone, anything" in late texts.[148] It can be added to nouns to produce further expressions with pronominal meaning such as đ’‡œđ’ˆŸđ’ˆš lu2 na-me "anyone", đ’ƒ»đ’ˆŸđ’ˆš nig̃2 na-me "anything", đ’† đ’ˆŸđ’ˆš ki na-me "anywhere", đ’Œ“đ’ˆŸđ’ˆš ud4 na-me "ever, any time". The nouns đ’‡œ lu2 "man" and đ’ƒ» nig̃2 "thing" are also used for "someone, anyone" and "something, anything".[149] With negation, all of these expressions naturally acquire the meanings "nobody", "nothing", "nowhere" and "never".[150]

The reflexive pronoun is 𒅎(đ’‹Œ) ni2(-te) "self", which generally occurs with possessive pronouns attached: 𒅎𒈬 ni2-g̃u10 "my-self", etc. The longer form appears in the third person animate (đ’…Žđ’‹Œđ’‰Œ ni2-te-ni "him/herself", đ’…Žđ’‹Œđ’‰ˆđ’‰ˆ ni2-te-ne-ne "themselves").[151]

Adjectives

It is controversial whether Sumerian has adjectives at all, since nearly all stems with adjectival meaning are also attested as verb stems and may be conjugated as verbs: đ’ˆ€ maáž« "great" > đ’Žđ’€ đ’ˆ€ nin al-maáž« "the lady is great".[152][153] According to Jagersma, there is a distinction in that the few true adjectives cannot be negated, and a few stems are different depending on the part of speech: đ’ƒČ gal "big", but 𒄖𒌌 gu-ul "be big".[154] Forms with the nominalizing suffix /-a/ have a restrictive meaning: 𒂍𒉋 e2 gibil "a new house", but đ’‚đ’‰‹đ’†· e2 gibil-la "the new house (as contrasted with the old one)", "a/the newer (kind of) house" or "the newest house".[155]

A few adjectives, like đ’ƒČ gal "big" and 𒌉 tur "small" appear to "agree in number" with a preceding noun in the plural by reduplication; with some other adjectives, the meaning seems to be "each of them ADJ". The colour term 𒌓(𒌓) bar6-bar6 / babbar "white" appears to have always been reduplicated, and the same may be true of đ’ˆȘ gig2 (actually giggig) "black".[115]

To express adverbial function, the enclitic 𒁉 -bi can be added to an adjectival stem: 𒉋𒁉 gibil-bi "newly". Jagersma interprets this as a deadjectival noun with a possessive clitic in the directive case: {gibil.∅.bi-e}, lit. "at its newness".[q] Another way of expressing more or less the same function is with the adverbiative ending 𒂠 -eơ2, e.g. 𒍣𒉈𒂠 zid-de3eơ2 "rightly", "in the right way".[156]

To express the comparative or superlative degree, various constructions with the word 𒋛𒀀 dirig "exceed"/"excess" are used: X + locative + dirig-ga "which exceeds (all) X", dirig + X + genitive + terminative "exceeding X", lit. "to the excess of X".[157]

Numerals

Sumerian has a combination decimal and sexagesimal system (for example, 600 is 'ten sixties'), so that the Sumerian lexical numeral system is sexagesimal with 10 as a subbase.[158] The cardinal numerals and ways of forming composite numbers are as follows:

number name explanation notes cuneiform sign
1 diĆĄ, deĆĄ[159] đ’č
2 min, mina[160] đ’ˆ«
3 eơ5[161] 𒐈, 𒌍
4 limmu, lim2[162] đ’‡č, 𒐉, đ’Œ
5 ia, i2[163] 𒐊
6 aơ[164] ia2 "five" + aơ "one" 𒐋
7 imin[165] ia2 "five" + min "two" 𒅓
8 ussu[166] 𒑄
9 ilimmu[165] ia2/i2 (5) + limmu (4) 𒑆
10 u, ha3, hu3[163] 𒌋
11 u-diĆĄ (?) 𒌋đ’č
20 niơ 𒌋𒌋
30 uơu 𒌋𒌋𒌋
40 nimin 'less two [tens]' 𒐏
50 ninnu 'less ten' 𒐐
60 g̃iĆĄ(d), g̃eĆĄ(d)[167] đ’č𒁕, đ’č, 𒐑
120 g̃eĆĄ(d)-min two g̃eĆĄ(d) đ’čđ’ˆ«
240 g̃eĆĄ(d)-limmu four g̃eĆĄ(d) đ’č𒐏
420 g̃eĆĄ(d)-imin seven g̃eĆĄ(d) đ’č𒅓
600 g̃eĆĄ(d)u ten g̃eĆĄ(d) 𒐞
1000 limum borrowed from Akkadian đ’‡·đ’ˆŹđ’Œ
1200 g̃eĆĄ(d)u-min two g̃eĆĄ(d)u đ’žđ’ˆ«
3600 ĆĄar 'totality' đ’Šč
36000 ơar-u 'ten totalities' 𒐬
216000 ĆĄar gal 'a big totality' đ’Ščđ’ƒČ

Ordinal numerals are formed with the suffix 𒄰𒈠 -kam-ma in Old Sumerian and 𒄰(𒈠) -kam(-ma) (with the final vowel still surfacing in front of enclitics) in subsequent periods.[168] However, a cardinal numeral may also have ordinal meaning sometimes.[169]

The syntax of numerals has some peculiarities. Besides just being placed after a noun like other modifiers (𒌉𒐈 dumu eĆĄ5 "three children" - which may, however, also be written 𒐈𒌉 3 dumu), the numeral may be reinforced by the copula (𒌉𒐈𒀀𒀭 dumu eĆĄ5-am3). If a possessive pronoun is added after the numeral, the construction has definite meaning: 𒌉𒐈𒀀𒁉 dumu eĆĄ5-a-bi: "the three children" (lit. "children - the three of them"). The numerals đ’ˆ« min "two" and 𒐈 eĆĄ5 "three" are supplied with a nominalizer in this construction.[169]

Fractions are formed with the phrase 𒅆...N...𒅅 igi-N-g̃al2 : "one-Nth"; where 𒅅 g̃al2 may be omitted. "One-half", however, is 𒋗𒊒𒀀 ĆĄu-ru-a, later 𒋗𒊑𒀀 ĆĄu-ri-a. Another way of expressing fractions was originally limited to weight measures, specifically fractions of the mina (đ’ˆ đ’ˆŸ ma-na): 𒑚 ĆĄuĆĄĆĄana "one-third" (literarlly "two-sixths"), 𒑛 ĆĄanabi "two-thirds" (the former two words are of Akkadian origins), 𒑜 gig̃usila or đ’‡Č𒌋𒂆 la2 gig̃4 u "five-sixths" (literally "ten shekels split off (from the mina)" or "(a mina) minus ten shekels", respectively), 𒂆 gig̃4 "one-sixtieth", lit. "a shekel" (since a shekel is one-sixtieth of a mina). Smaller fractions are formed by combining these: e.g. one-fifth is 𒌋đ’čđ’č𒂆 "12×1/60 = 1/5", and two-fifths are 𒑚đ’‡č𒂆 "2/3 + (4 × 1/60) = 5/15 + 1/15 = 6/15 = 2/5".[170]

Verbal morphology

General

The Sumerian finite verb distinguishes a number of moods and agrees (more or less consistently) with the subject and the object in person, number and gender. The verb chain may also incorporate pronominal references to the verb's other modifiers, which has also traditionally been described as "agreement", although, in fact, such a reference and the presence of an actual modifier in the clause need not co-occur: not only 𒂍𒂠𒌈𒌈𒅆đ’ș𒌩 e2-ĆĄe3 ib2-ĆĄi-du-un "I'm going to the house", but also 𒂍𒂠𒉌đ’ș𒌩 e2-ĆĄe3 i3-du-un "I'm going to the house" and simply 𒌈𒅆đ’ș𒌩 ib2-ĆĄi-du-un "I'm going to it" are possible.[110]

The Sumerian verb also makes a binary distinction according to a category that some regard as tense (past vs present-future), others as aspect (perfective vs imperfective), and that will be designated as TA (tense/aspect) in the following. The two members of the opposition entail different conjugation patterns and, at least for many verbs, different stems; they are theory-neutrally referred to with the Akkadian grammatical terms for the two respective forms – áž«amáč­u (quick) and marĂ» (slow, fat). Finally, opinions differ on whether the verb has a passive or a middle voice and how it is expressed.

The verbal root is almost always a monosyllable and, together with various affixes, forms a so-called verbal chain which is described as a sequence of about 15 slots, though the precise models differ.[171] The finite verb has both prefixes and suffixes, while the non-finite verb may only have suffixes. Broadly, the prefixes have been divided in three groups that occur in the following order: modal prefixes, "conjugation prefixes", and pronominal and dimensional prefixes.[172] The suffixes are a future or imperfective marker /-ed-/, pronominal suffixes, and an /-a/ ending that nominalizes the whole verb chain. The overall structure can be summarized as follows:

slot modal prefix "conjugation prefixes" pronominal prefix dimensional prefix pronominal prefix stem future/imperfective pronominal suffix nominalizer
finite prefix coordinator prefix ventive prefix middle prefix
common

morphemes

/Ø/-,
/áž«a/-,
/u/-,
/ga/-,

/nu/-,/la/-


/i/- (/e/-,/a/-)
-/nga/- /mu/-,

-/m/-

-/ba/- -/Ø/-,
-/e/~/r/-,
-/n/-,
-/b/-
-/a/-,

-/da/-, -/ta/-, -/ĆĄi/-, -/i/-, -/ni/-

-/Ø/-,
-/e/-/r/-,
-/n/-,
-/b/-
-/e(d)/- -/en/
-/en/
-/Ø/, -/e/

-/enden/
-/enzen/
-/ene/, -/eĆĄ/

-/a/

Examples using most of the above slots may be:

đ’„©đ’ˆŹđ’ˆŸđ’€Šđ’‹§đ’ˆŹđ’‰ˆ
áž«a-mu-na-ab-ĆĄum2-mu-ne

áž«a-

PREC

-mu-

-VEN-

-n-

-3.SG.AN-

-a-

-DAT-

-b-

-3.INAN.O-

-ĆĄum-

-give-

-ene

-3.PL.AN.A/S.IPFV

áž«a- -mu- -n- -a- -b- -ĆĄum- -ene

PREC -VEN- -3.SG.AN- -DAT- -3.INAN.O- -give- -3.PL.AN.A/S.IPFV

'Let them give it to him here!'

𒉡𒌒𒅆𒂊𒄄𒄄𒀀
nu-ub-ĆĄi-e-gi4-gi4-a

nu-

NEG-

-i-

-FIN-

-b-

-INAN-

-ĆĄi-

-TERM-

-e-

-2.O-

-gi4-gi4-

-return.IPFV-

-e-

-3.A.IPFV-

-a

-NMLZ

nu- -i- -b- -ĆĄi- -e- -gi4-gi4- -e- -a

NEG- -FIN- -INAN- -TERM- -2.O- -return.IPFV- -3.A.IPFV- -NMLZ

'(one) who does not bring you back to it'

More than one pairing of a pronominal prefix and a dimensional prefix may occur within the verb chain. If so, the pairings are placed in a specific order, which is shown the section Pronominal and Dimensional Prefixes below. The "conjugation prefixes" appear to be mutually exclusive to a great extent, since the "finite" prefixes /i/~/e/ or /a/ do not appear before [mu-], /ba/- and the sequence -/b/+/i/-, nor does the realization [mu] appear before /ba-/ or /b-i/. However, it is commonly assumed that the spellings im-, im-ma- and im-mi- are equivalent to /i/- + -/mu/-, /i/- + -/mu/- + -/ba/- and /i/- + -/mu/- + -/bi/-, respectively. According to Jagersma, the reason for the restrictions is that the "finite" prefixes /i/~/e/- or /a/- have been elided prehistorically in open syllables, in front of prefixes of the shape CV (consonant-vowel). The exception is the position in front of the locative prefix -/ni/-, the second person dative 𒊏 /-r-a/ and the second person directive 𒊑 /-r-i/, where the dominant dialect of the Old Babylonian period retains them.[173]

Modal prefixes

The modal prefixes express modality. Some of them are generally combined with certain TAs; in other cases, the meaning of a modal prefix can depend on the TA.

  • /Ø-/ is the prefix of the simple indicative mood; in other words, the indicative is unmarked.
  • 𒉡 nu- and đ’†· la-, đ’‡· li- (𒉌 li2- in Ur III spelling) have negative meaning and can be translated as "not". The allomorphs /la-/ and /li-/ are used before the "conjugation prefixes" 𒁀 ba- and 𒉈 bi2-, respectively. A following vowel /i/ or /e/ is contracted with the preceding /u/ of nu- with compensatory lengthening (which is often graphically unexpressed): compare 𒉌đ’ș i2-du "he is walking", but /nu-i-du/ > /nuː-du/ 𒉡𒅇đ’ș nu(-u3)-du "he isn't walking". If followed by a consonant, on the other hand, the vowel of nu- appears to have been assimilated to the vowel of the following syllable, because it occasionally appears written as đ’ˆŸ /na-/ in front of a syllable containing /a/.[174]
  • đ’„© áž«a- has either precative/optative meaning ("let him do X", "may you do X") or affirmative meaning ("he does this indeed"), partly depending on the type of verb. If the verbal form denotes a transitive action, precative meaning is expressed with the marĂ» form, and affirmative with the áž«amáč­u form. In contrast, if the verbal form is intransitive or stative, the TA used is always áž«amáč­u.[175] In open syllables, the prefix merges with a following conjugation prefix i3- into đ’ƒ¶ áž«e2-. Beginning in the later Old Akkadian period, the spelling also shows assimilation of the vowel of the prefix to đ’ƒ¶ áž«e2- in front of a syllable containing /e/ and to đ’„· áž«u- in front of a syllable containing /u/. Finally, Ur III spelling has a tendency to generalize the variant đ’ƒ¶ áž«e2-.[176]
  • đ’‚” ga- has cohortative meaning and can be translated as "let me/us do X" or "I/you will do X". Occasional phonetic spellings show that its vowel is assimilated to following vowels, producing the allomorphs written 𒄄 gi4- and 𒄘 gu2-. It is only used with áž«amáč­u stems,[177] but nevertheless uses personal prefixes to express objects, which is otherwise characteristic of the marĂ» conjugation: đ’‚”đ’‰Œđ’Œˆđ’ƒ» ga-ni-ib2-g̃ar "let me put it there!".[178] The plural number of the subject was not specially marked until the Old Babylonian period,[178] during which the 1st person plural suffix began to be added: đ’‚”đ’‰Œđ’Œˆđ’ƒ»đ’Š‘đ’‚—đ’‰ˆđ’‚— ga-ni-ib2-g̃ar-re-en-de-en "let us put it there!".[179]
  • 𒅇 u3- is a prospective "after/when/if" and is also used as a mild imperative "Please do X". It is only used with áž«amáč­u forms.[177] In open syllables, the vowel of the prefix is assimilated to i3- and a- in front of syllables containing these vowels. The prefix acquires an additional /l/ when located immediately before the stem, resulting in the allomorph 𒅇𒌌 u3-ul-.[180]
  • đ’ˆŸ na- expresses a negative wish ("May he not do it!") or affirmative meaning ("he does it indeed"), depending on the TA of verb: it expresses negative meaning with the marĂ» TA and affirmative /na-/ with the áž«amáč­u TA.[181]
  • 𒁀𒊏 ba-ra- has emphatic negative meaning ("He certainly doesn't/won't do it")[182] or prohibitative meaning ("Don't do it!").[183] It is combined with the marĂ» TA if the verb denies an action (always present or future), and with the áž«amáč­u TA if it denies a state (past, present or future) or an action (always in the past).[182] According to Edzard, the prohibitative meaning requires it to be combined with the marĂ» TA if the action is transitive.[184]
  • 𒉡𒍑 nu-uĆĄ- is a rare prefix that has been interpreted as having "frustrative" meaning, i.e. as expressing an unrealizable wish ("If only he would do it!").
  • 𒅆 ĆĄi-, earlier 𒂠 ĆĄe3-, is a rare prefix, with unclear and disputed meaning, which has been variously described as affirmative ("he does it indeed"),[185] contrapunctive ("correspondingly", "on his part"[186]), as "reconfirming something that already ha(s) been stated or ha(s) occurred",[187] or as "so", "therefore"[188]). In Southern Old Sumerian, the vowel alternated between /e/ before open vowels and /i/ before close ones in accordance with the vowel harmony rule of that dialect; later, it displays assimilation of the vowel in an open syllable,[185] depending on the vowel of the following syllable, to /ĆĄa-/ (𒊭 ĆĄa-/ đ’ș ĆĄa4-) and (first attested in Old Babylonian) to 𒋗 /ĆĄu-/.[187]

Although the modal prefixes are traditionally grouped together in one slot in the verbal chain, their behaviour suggests a certain difference in status: only nu- and áž«a- exhibit morphophonemic evidence of co-occurring with a following finite "conjugation prefix", while the others do not and hence seem to be mutually exclusive with it. For this reason, Jagersma separates the first two as "proclitics" and groups the others together with the finite prefix as (non-proclitic) "preformatives".[189]

"Conjugation prefixes"

The meaning, structure, identity and even the number of "conjugation prefixes" have always been a subject of disagreements. The term "conjugation prefix" simply alludes to the fact that a finite verb must (nearly) always contain one of them. Proposed explanations of their use usually revolve around the subtleties of spatial grammar, information structure (focus[190]), verb valency, and, most recently, voice.[191] The following description primarily follows the analysis of Jagersma (2010), largely seconded by ZĂłlyomi (2018), in its specifics; nonetheless, most of the interpretations in it are held widely, if not universally.

  • 𒉌 i3- (Southern Old Sumerian variant: 𒂊 e- in front of open vowels), sometimes described as a finite prefix[192], appears to have a neutral finite meaning.[193][194] As mentioned above, it generally does not occur in front of a prefix or prefix sequence of the shape CV except, in Old Babylonian Sumerian, in front of the locative prefix 𒉌 /ni/, the second person dative 𒊏 /-r-a/ and the second person directive 𒊑 /-r-i/.[193]
  • 𒀀 a-, with the variant 𒀠 al- used in front of the stem[193][195], the other finite prefix, is rare in most Sumerian texts outside of the imperative form,[193] but when it occurs, it usually has stative meaning.[196] It is common in the Northern Old Sumerian dialect, where it can also have a passive meaning.[197][196] According to Jagersma, it was used in the South as well during the Old Sumerian period, but only in subordinate clauses, where it regularly characterized both marĂ» and stative áž«amáč­u verbs; in the Neo-Sumerian period, only the pre-stem form al- was still used and it no longer occurred with marĂ» forms.[198][r] Like i3-, it does not occur in front of a CV sequence except, in Old Babylonian Sumerian, in front of the locative prefix 𒉌 /ni/, the second person dative 𒊏 /-r-a/ and the second person directive 𒊑 /-r-i/.[193]
  • 𒈬 mu- is most commonly considered to be a ventive prefix[199], expressing movement towards the speaker or proximity to the speaker; in particular, it is an obligatory part of the 1st person dative form 𒈠 ma- (mu- + -a-).[200] However, many of its occurrences appear to express more subtle and abstract nuances or general senses, which different scholars have sought to pinpoint. Some of these have been derived from "abstract nearness to the speaker" or "involvement of the speaker".[201] It has been suggested, variously, that mu- may be adding nuances of topicality, foregrounding of the event as something essential to the message with a focus on a person[202], prototypical transitivity with its close association with "control, agency, and animacy"[203], telicity as such[204] or that it is attracted by personal dative prefixes in general, as is the Akkadian ventive.[204]
  • 𒅎 im- and 𒀀𒀭am3- are widely seen as being formally related to mu-[205] and as also having ventive meaning[206]; according to Jagersma, they consist of an allomorph of mu-, namely -/m/-, and the preceding prefixes 𒉌 i3- and 𒀀 a-. In his analysis, these combinations occur in front of a CV sequence, where the vowel -u- of mu- is lost, whereas the historically preceding finite prefix is preserved: */i-mu-ĆĄi-g̃en/ > 𒅎𒅆đ’ș im-ĆĄi-g̃en "he came for it". The vowel of the finite prefix is lengthened immediately before the stem */i-mu-g̃en/ > 𒉌𒅎đ’ș i3-im-g̃en "he came".[207]
  • The vowel of mu- is not elided in front of the locative prefix 𒉌 -ni-, the second person dative 𒊏 /-r-a/ and the second person directive 𒊑 /-r-i/. It may, however, be assimilated to the vowel of the following syllable, producing two allomorphs:[208]
    • đ’ˆȘ mi- in the sequences đ’ˆȘ𒉌 mi-ni- and đ’ˆȘ𒊑 mi-ri-.[209]
    • 𒈠 ma- in the sequence 𒈠𒊏 ma-ra-.
  • 𒉈 bi2- (Old Sumerian LagaĆĄ spelling: 𒁉 bi- or be2-; Old Sumerian Ur spelling: 𒉿 be6-) is usually seen as a sequence of the personal prefix -/b/-[210][211] and the directive prefix -/i/- or -/e/-.[210][212]
  • 𒁀 ba- can be analysed as a sequence of the personal prefix /b/- and the dative prefix /a/[213][214] and accordingly have the meaning "for it", "to it"[213][215], but also a number of other meanings have been observed. It has also been argued that, in spite of its origin as b-a-, /ba-/ now occupies a slot of its own before the first pronominal prefix and the dimensional prefixes.[216][217][s] The various non-dative meanings of ba- are subsumed by Jagersma under the overarching function of a middle voice marker.[220][221] As a middle voice marker, ba- can express:
    • a reflexive indirect object (to do something "for oneself"); with motion verbs this may entail separation and movement "away" from the centre of attention towards a distant goal;[222][223]
    • a change of state;[224]
    • the passive voice[221] (the latter not in Northern Sumerian).[224]
  • 𒅎đ’ˆȘ im-mi- (Southern Old Sumerian 𒉌đ’ˆȘ i3-mi or 𒂊𒈹 e-me-) and 𒅎𒈠 im-ma- (Southern Old Sumerian 𒂊𒈠 e-ma-) are often analysed as sequences of 𒅎 im- and the following prefixes 𒉈 bi2- (Southern Old Sumerian: 𒁉 bi- or be2) and 𒁀 ba-, respectively, where the consonant /b/ has undergone assimilation to the preceding /m/.[225][226]
  • 𒀀𒀭đ’ˆȘ am3-mi- and 𒀀𒀭𒈠 am3-ma- are the result of the same assimilation, but with a preceding 𒀀𒀭am3-.

The rare prefix /-nga-/ means 'also', 'equally' (often written without the initial /n/, especially in earlier periods). It is of crucial importance for the ordering of the "conjugation prefixes", because it is usually placed between the conjugation prefix i3- and the pronominal prefix, e.g. 𒅔𒂔𒀭đ’Ș in-ga-an-zu 'he, too, knows it', but it precedes the conjugation prefix mu-: đ’ˆŸđ’‚”đ’ˆŹđ’Ș na-ga-mu-zu 'he also understood it'.[227] This suggests that these two conjugation prefixes must belong to different slots.[228]

Although a conjugation prefix is almost always present, Sumerian until the Old Babylonian period allows a finite verb to begin directly with the locative prefix /-ni-/, the second person singular dative /-r-a-/, or the second person directive /-r-i-/ (see below), because the prefixes i3-/e- and a- are apparently elided in front of them.[229]

Pronominal and dimensional prefixes

The dimensional prefixes of the verb chain basically correspond to, and often repeat, the case markers of the noun phrase. Like the case markers of the noun phrase, the first dimensional prefix is normally attached to a "head" – a pronominal prefix. The other place where a pronominal prefix can be placed is immediately before the stem, where it can have a different allomorph and expresses the absolutive or the ergative participant (the transitive subject, the intransitive subject or the direct object), depending on the TA and other factors, as explained below.

Pronominal prefixes

The forms of the pronominal prefixes are the following:[230]

prefix Notes
1st person singular -/ʔ/-? > /‑V-/[t] The vowel -/V/- is identical to that of the preceding prefix (𒈬𒅇 mu-u3-, 𒁀𒀀 ba-a-, 𒉈𒉌 bi2-i3- etc.). Possibly originally a glottal stop /ʔ/,[233][234] which was later elided with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel.
2nd person singular 𒂊 -e-,
‑/r/‑
-/r/- before a vowel (before the dative and the directive prefixes, resulting in 𒊏 -ra- and 𒊑 ‑ri-);

-/e/- before a consonant. -/e/- is assimilated to the preceding vowel, lengthening it (e.g. 𒈬𒂊 mu-e- > 𒈬𒅇 mu-u3- etc.) in the dialects attested before the Old Babylonian period.[233][234] In the Old Babylonian dialect -e- is preserved (e.g. 𒈬𒂊 mu-e-) and the preceding vowel may assimilate to the -/e/- instead: e.g. 𒈹 me-.[234]

3rd person singular animate ‑/n/- According to Jagersma,[235] the pronominal form that appears in front of the vowel-initial dimensional prefixes, i.e. in front of dative -/a/- and directive -/i/-, is actually geminate /nn/, hence the preservation of the finite prefix i3- in front of them.
3rd person inanimate ‑/b/‑ Seems to be absent in some cases, see the main text. Note that the inanimate agreement marker has no number distinction.
1st person plural 𒈹 -me-[u] For a subject or object (immediately before the stem), the singular is used instead.
2nd person plural 𒂊𒉈
‑e‑ne-[v],
-re-?[236]
3rd person plural

(animate only)

𒉈
‑ne-

Confusingly, the subject and object prefixes (/-n-/, /-b-/, /-e-/, /-V-/) are not commonly spelled out in early texts, as both coda consonants and vowel length are often ignored in them. The "full" spellings do become more usual during the Third Dynasty of Ur (in the Neo-Sumerian period) and especially during the Old Babylonian period. Thus, in earlier texts, one finds 𒈬𒀝 mu-ak and 𒉌𒀝 i3-ak (𒂊𒀝 e-ak in Southern Sumerian) instead of 𒈬𒌩𒀝 mu-un-ak and 𒅔𒀝 in-ak for {mu-n-ak} and {i-n-ak} "he/she made", and also 𒈬𒀝 mu-ak instead of Neo-Sumerian 𒈬(𒅇)𒀝 mu(-u3)-ak or Old Babylonian 𒈬𒂊𒀝 mu-e-ak "you made". Vowel length never came to be expressed systematically, so the 1st person prefix was often graphically -∅- during the entire existence of Sumerian.

Dimensional prefixes

The generally recognized dimensional prefixes are shown in the table below; if several occur within the same verb complex, they are placed in the order they are listed in.

dative comitative ablative terminative directive locative
/-a-/[w] 𒁕 -da- (đ’‹Ÿ -di3-[x]) đ’‹« -ta- (𒊏 /-ra-/)[y] 𒅆 -ĆĄi- (early 𒂠 -ĆĄe3-) /-i-/~/-e-/ 𒂊 [z] 𒉌 -ni-[aa]

The comitative prefix -da- can, in addition, express the meaning "to be able to".[240] The directive has the meaning "on(to)" when the verb is combined with a noun in the locative case.[241] The directive does not co-occur with the locative, and the ablative does not co-occur with the terminative.[242]

A major exception from the general system of personal and dimensional prefixes is the very frequent prefix 𒉌 -ni- "(in) there", which corresponds to a noun phrase in the locative, but doesn't seem to be preceded by any pronominal prefix and had demonstrative meaning by itself. This prefix is not to be confused with the homophonic sequence -ni- which corresponds to an animate noun phrase in the directive. In the latter case, ni is analysed as a combination of pronominal /-n-/ and directive /-i-/ (roughly: "at him/her", "on him/her", etc.), whereas in the former, ni is unanalysable.[243]

An example of a verb chain where several dimensional slots are occupied can be:

đ’‚Šđ’ˆŸđ’‹«đ’‰Œđ’…”đ’Œ“đ’ș
i3-na-ta-ni-in-ed2

i-

FIN-

-n-

-3.SG.AN-

-a-

-DAT-

-ta-

-ABL-

-ni-

-LOC-

-n-

-3.SG.AN.A-

-ed

-go.out

i- -n- -a- -ta- -ni- -n- -ed

FIN- -3.SG.AN- -DAT- -ABL- -LOC- -3.SG.AN.A- -go.out

'He made it (the dike) go out of it (a canal) for him into it (a locality)'

While the meanings of the prefixes are generally the same as those of the corresponding nominal case markers, there are some differences:

  • The prefixes, unlike noun phrases in the corresponding cases, normally refer only to participants with a strong relationship to the action or state expressed by the verb (e.g. a temporal meaning like since X may be expressed by means of a noun phrase with a -ta case marker, but that normally wouldn't be cross-referenced with a -ta prefix on the verb).[244]
  • The use of dimensional prefixes is sometimes more closely connected to special meanings of specific verbs and to lexical idiosyncrasies. For instance, the verb 𒇯đ’ș ed3 has the meaning "go up" with the directive prefix, but "go down" with the ablative one, the verb 𒊓 sa10 means "sell" with the ablative prefix and "buy" with the terminative, the verb 𒌓đ’ș e3 always has the ablative prefix, and the phrasal verb 𒅗 ... 𒄄 inim ... gi4 "answer" (lit. "return a word") always includes the locative.[244]

Further, at the systemic level, there are some asymmetries between the nominal case markers and the verbal dimensional prefixes: they partly make different distinctions, and the nominal case marking is influenced by animacy. Because of these mismatches, different meanings are expressed by combinations of matching or non-matching noun cases and verb prefixes.[243] The combinations may be summarised as follows:[245][246][125][247]

meaning nominal case marker

(inanimate)

nominal case marker

(animate)

verbal prefix
"in(to)" /-a/ (locative) ---- /-ni-/ (locative)
"on(to)" /-a/ (locative) /-ra/ (dative) /-i-/~/-e-/ (directive)
"at" / causee /-e/ (directive) /-ra/ (dative) /-i-/~/-e-/ (directive)
dative /-e/ (directive) /-ra/ (dative) /-a-/ (dative)
Combinations of personal and dimensional prefixes and other issues

When the dimensional prefix is dative /-a-/, the personal prefix of the 1st person appears to be absent, but the 1st person reference is expressed by the choice of the ventive conjugation prefix /mu-/. The sequence that expresses the 1st person dative is then: /mu-/ + /-a-/ → 𒈠 ma-.[248][249][250] When the intended meaning is that of the directive /-i-/~/-e-/ ("on me", "in contact with me", etc.), it seems that the ventive conjugation prefix 𒈬 mu- alone serves to express it.[248][249]

Two special phenomena occur if there is no absolutive–ergative pronominal prefix in the pre-stem position.

1. The sequences 𒉌 /-ni-/ (locative {-ni-} and personal + directive {-n-i-}) and 𒉈 /bi-/ (personal + directive {b-i-}) acquire the forms /-n-/ and /-b-/ (coinciding with the absolutive–ergative pronominal prefixes) before the stem if there isn't already an absolutive–ergative pronominal prefix in pre-stem position. This is typically the case when the verb is used intransitively.[251][252] For example, the normal appearance of -ni- is seen in:

  • {mu-ni-n-kur} "he brought in – caused [something or someone] to go in – there" > /muninkur/, written 𒈬𒉌𒆭 mu-ni-kur9 in early texts, later 𒈬𒉌𒅔𒆭 mu-ni-in-kur9.

In contrast, in an intransitive form, we find a syncopated realization:

  • {mu-ni-kur} "he went in there" > /muːnkur/, written 𒈬𒆭 mu-kur9 in early texts, later 𒈬𒌩𒆭 mu-un-kur9.

The preceding vowel undergoes compensatory lengthening, which is sometimes indicated by its doubling in the spelling:

  • {i-ni-kur} > i3-in-kur9 𒉌𒅔𒆭 "he went in".

Likewise, the normal realisation of bi- is seen in:

  • {i-b-i-n-si} > bi2-in-si 𒉈𒅔𒋛 "he loaded (it) on it".

This is to be contrasted with the syncopated version in an intransitive form:

  • {i-b-i-si} > i3-ib2-si 𒉌𒌈𒋛 "(it) was loaded on it".[253]

The same phonological pattern is claimed to account for the alternation between the forms of the ventive prefix. The standard appearance is seen in:

{i-mu-n-ak} > mu-un-ak 𒈬𒌩𒀝 "he did it".

In an intransitive form, however, we find:

{i-mu-g̃en} > i3-im-g̃en 𒉌𒅎đ’ș "he came".[252]

2. A superficially similar, but distinct phenomenon is that if there isn't already an absolutive–ergative pronominal prefix in pre-stem position, the personal prefix of the directive participant does not receive the dimensional prefix -/i/~/e/- at all and is moved to the pre-stem position. For example, the normal position of the directive participant is seen in:

  • {b-i-n-ak} bi2-in-ak 𒉈𒅔𒀝 "he applied (it) to it" (said of oil).

In contrast, in an intransitive form, we find:

  • {ba-b-ak} ba-ab-ak 𒁀𒀊𒀝 "it was applied to it".

In the same way, the normal position is seen in:

  • {b-i-n-us} bi2-in-us2 𒉈𒅔𒍑 ≈ "he adjoined (it) to it".

This can be contrasted with an intransitive form:

  • {i-b-us} ib2-us2 𒌈𒍑 ≈ "(it) was adjoined to it".[254]

Another deviation from the main scheme is that in some cases, an expected personal prefix is absent.

  • If there are several dimensional prefixes in the verb chain, only the first one can have an explicit head and only the first one can refer to an animate noun.[255]
  • The personal prefix -b- isn't used after the ventive "conjugation prefix" mu-: instead of expected *𒈬𒌒𒅆đ’ș mu-ub-ĆĄi-g̃en, the meaning "he came for it" is expressed by 𒅎𒅆đ’ș im-ĆĄi-g̃en. Similarly, instead of *đ’ˆŹđ’Œ’đ’‚·đ’‚· mu-ub-g̃a2-g̃a2 for "he is placing it", we find đ’…Žđ’‚·đ’‚· im-g̃a2-g̃a2.[256] Alternatively, some have argued that such forms might contain an assimilated sequence -/mb/- > -/mm/- > -/m/- as in im-mi- and im-ma-.[257]
  • The personal prefix -b- isn't used after the "conjugation prefix" ba-, either, but only if -b- is the head of a dimensional prefix: thus 𒁀𒀊𒄄𒄄 ba-ab-gi4-gi4 "he will return it (for himself)" is possible, but not *𒁀𒀊𒅆𒌈𒄄𒄄 ba-ab-ĆĄi-ib2-gi4-gi4 "he will return it to it (for himself)".[258]
  • For another case of absence of -b-, see the footnote on -b- as a marker of the transitive object in the table in the section on Pronominal agreement in conjugation.

Pronominal suffixes

The pronominal suffixes are as follows:

marĂ» áž«amáč­u
1st person singular 𒂗 -en
2nd person singular 𒂗 -en
3rd person singular (𒂊) -e /-Ø/
1st person plural 𒂗𒉈𒂗 -en-de3-en
2nd person plural 𒂗𒍱𒂗 -en-ze2-en
3rd person plural

(animate only)

(𒂊)𒉈 -e-ne 𒂠/𒌍 -eơ2/eơ

The initial vowel in all of the above suffixes can be assimilated to the vowel of the verb root; more specifically, it can become /u/ or /i/ if the vowel of the verb root is /u/ or /i/, respectively. It can also undergo contraction with an immediately preceding vowel.[259] Pre-Ur III texts also spell the first- and second-person suffix /-en/ as /-e/, making it coincide with the third person in the marĂ» form.

Pronominal agreement with subjects and direct objects

Sumerian verbal agreement follows a nominative–accusative pattern in the 1st and 2nd persons of the marĂ» tense-aspect, but an ergative–absolutive pattern in most other forms of the indicative mood. The general principle is that in áž«amáč­u TA, the transitive subject is expressed by the prefix, and the direct object by the suffix, and in the marĂ» TA it is the other way round.[ab] As for the intransitive subject, it is expressed, in both TAs, by the suffixes and is thus treated like the object in áž«amáč­u and like the subject in marĂ». An exception is that its third person is expressed, not only in áž«amáč­u but also in marĂ», by the suffixes used for the object in the áž«amáč­u TA). A major exception from this generalization are the plural forms – in them, the transitive subject is expressed not only by the prefix (as in the singular), but also by the suffix.

Note that the prefixes of the plural are identical to those of the singular – /-V-/, /-e-/, /-n-/, /-b-/ – as opposed to the special plural forms -me-, -e-ne- (/-re-?), -ne- found in non-pre-stem position.

The use of the personal affixes in conjugation can be summarized as follows:[260]

áž«amáč­u marĂ»
Direct object Intransitive subject Transitive subject Direct object Intransitive subject Transitive subject
1st sing ...-/en/ ...-/en/ -/V/-... -/V/[ac]-... ...-/en/ ...-/en/
2nd sing ...-/en/ ...-/en/ -/e/-... -/e/[ad]-... ...-/en/ ...-/en/
3rd sing

animate

...-/Ø/ ...-/Ø/ -/n/-... -/n/-... ...-/Ø/ ...-/e/
3rd inanimate[ae] ...-/Ø/ ...-/Ø/ -/b/-... -/b/-[af] ...-/Ø/ ...-/e/
1st pl ...-/enden/ ...-/enden/ -/V/-...-/enden/ -/V/-...? ...-/enden/ ...-/enden/
2nd pl ...-/enzen/ ...-/enzen/ -/e/-...-/enzen/ -/e/-...? ...-/enzen/ ...-/enzen/
3rd pl (animate only) ...-/eĆĄ/ ...-/eĆĄ/ -/n/-...-/eĆĄ/ -/ne/-[ag], -/b/-[ah] ...-/eĆĄ/ ...-/ene/

Examples for TA and pronominal agreement: (áž«amáč­u is rendered with past tense, marĂ» with present):

  • {i-gub-en} (𒉌đ’ș𒁉𒂗): "I stood" or "I stand"
  • {i-n-gub-en} (𒅔đ’ș𒁉𒂗): "he placed me" or "I place him"
  • {i-sug-enden} (đ’‰Œđ’»đ’‚—đ’‰ˆđ’‚—): "we stood/stand"
  • {i-n-dim-enden} (đ’…”đ’¶đ’‚—đ’‰ˆđ’‚—): "he created us" or "we create him"
  • {mu-V-dim-enden} (đ’ˆŹđ’¶đ’‚—đ’‰ˆđ’‚—): "we created [someone or something]"
  • {i-b-gub-e} (𒌈đ’ș𒁉) "he places it"
  • {i-b-dim-ene} (đ’Œˆđ’¶đ’ˆšđ’‰ˆ): "they create it"
  • {i-n-dim-eĆĄ} (đ’…”đ’¶đ’ˆšđ’Œ): "they created [someone or something]" or "he created them"
  • {i-sug-eĆĄ} (đ’‰Œđ’»đ’„€đ’Œ): "they stood" or "they stand".

Stem

The verbal stem itself can also express grammatical distinctions within the categories of number and tense-aspect.

1. With respect to number, plurality can be expressed by complete reduplication of the áž«amáč­u stem (e.g. 𒆭𒆭 kur9-kur9 "enter (pl.)" or by a suppletive stem (e.g. đ’ș gub "stand (sing.)" - 𒁻 sug2 "stand (pl.)".[ai] The traditional view is that both of these morphological means express plurality of the absolutive participant in Sumerian.[268][269] However, it has often been pointed out that complete reduplication of the verb in Sumerian can also express "plurality of the action itself",[270] intensity or iterativity,[75] and that it is not obligatory in the presence of plural participants, but rather seems to expressly emphasize the plurality.[268][269] According to some researchers[271][272][273], the predominant meaning of the suppletive plural stem is, indeed, plurality of the most affected participants, whereas the predominant meaning of complete reduplication is plurality of events (because they occur at multiple times or locations). However, even with suppletive plural stems, the singular may occur with a plural participant, presumably because the event is perceived is a single one.[274]

2. With respect to tense-aspect marking, verbs are divided in four types; áž«amáč­u is always the unmarked TA.

  • The stems of the 1st type, regular verbs, do not express TA at all according to most scholars, or, according to M. Yoshikawa and others, express marĂ» TA by adding an (assimilating) /-e-/ as in đ’ș𒁉 gub-be2 or đ’ș𒁍 gub-bu vs đ’ș gub "stand". This /-e-/ would, however, nowhere be distinguishable from the first vowel of the pronominal suffixes except for intransitive marĂ» 3rd person singular).
  • The 2nd type expresses marĂ» by partial reduplication of the stem, e.g. 𒆭 kur9 vs 𒆭𒆭 ku4-ku4 "enter".[aj] Usually, as in this example, this marĂ» reduplication follows the pattern C1V1-C1V1 (C1 = 1st consonant of the root, V = 1st vowel of the root). In a few cases, the template is instead C1V1C1C2V1.[275]
  • The 3rd type expresses marĂ» by adding a consonant, e.g. te vs teg̃4 "approach" (both written đ’‹Œ). A number of scholars do not recognise the existence of such a class or consider it dubious.[ak]
  • The 4th type uses a suppletive stem, e.g. 𒅗 dug4 vs 𒂊 e "do, say". Thus, as many as four different suppletive stems can exist, as in the admittedly extreme case of the verb "to go": đ’ș g̃en ("to go", áž«amáč­u sing.), đ’ș du (marĂ» sing.), (𒂊)𒁻 (e-)re7 (áž«amáč­u plur.), 𒁻 sub2 (marĂ» plur.).[al]

The modal or imperfective suffix -/ed/

Before the pronominal suffixes, a suffix -/ed/ or -/d/ can be inserted (the /d/ is only realized if other vowels follow, in which case the /e/ in turn may be elided): e.g. 𒉌𒀄(𒂊)𒉈𒂗 i3-zaáž«3(-e)-de3-en {i-zaáž«-ed-en} "I will/must escape", 𒉌𒀄𒂊 i3-zaáž«3-e {i-zaáž«-ed} "he will/must escape". This suffix is considered to account for occurrences of -e in the third-person singular marĂ» of intransitive forms by those who do not accept Yoshikawa's theory that -e itself is a marĂ» stem formant.[281] The status of the suffix is somewhat controversial. Some view it as having a primarily modal meaning of "must" or "can"[282] or future meaning.[283] Others believe that it primarily signals simply the imperfective status of a verb form, i.e. a marĂ» form, although its presence is obligatory only in intransitive marĂ» forms and in non-finite forms. In intransitive forms, it thus distinguishes marĂ» from áž«amáč­u[284]; for instance, in the above example, 𒉌𒀄𒂗 i3-zaáž«3-en alone, without -/ed/-, could have been interpreted as a áž«amáč­u form "I escaped".

The vowel /e/ of this suffix undergoes the same allophonic changes as the initial /e/ of the person suffixes. It is regularly assimilated to /u/ in front of stems containing the vowel /u/ and a following labial consonant, /r/ or /l/, e.g. 𒋧𒈬𒁕 ĆĄum2-mu(-d) (< {ĆĄum-ed}). It is also assimilated and contracted with immediately preceding vowels, e.g. 𒄄 gi4-gi4 /gi-gi-i(d)/ < {gi-gi-ed} "which will/should return". The verb đ’ș du "go" never takes the suffix.[285]

Use of tense-aspect forms

The use of the tense-aspect forms has the following patterns according to Jagersma:[286]

  • áž«amáč­u is used to express completed (perfective) actions in the past, but also states (past or present) and timeless truths. It is also used in conditional clauses with the conjunction đ’‹—đ’ƒ»đ’Œ‰đ’‡Č𒁉 tukumbi 'if'.
  • marĂ» is used to express actions in the present and future, but also non-complete (imperfective) actions in the past (like the English past progressive tense), and, rarely, actions in the past that are still relevant or operative (like the English present perfect tense). It is also used in conditional clauses with the conjunction 𒌓𒁕 ud-da 'if'.

The imperative mood

The imperative mood construction is produced with a áž«amáč­u stem, but using the marĂ» agreement pattern, by turning all prefixes into suffixes.[287] In the plural, the second person plural ending is attached in a form that differs slightly from the indicative: it is /-(n)zen/, with the /-n-/ appearing only after vowels. The stem is singular even in the plural imperative.[288] Compare the following indicative-imperative pairs:

Indicative Imperative
đ’ˆŹđ’ˆŸđ’€Šđ’‹§đ’ˆŹ
mu-na-ab-ĆĄum2-mu

mu-

VEN-

-n-

-3.SG.AN-

-a-

-DAT-

-b-

-3.SG.S-

-ĆĄum-

-give-

-e

-3.INAN.O

mu- -n- -a- -b- -ĆĄum- -e

VEN- -3.SG.AN- -DAT- -3.SG.S- -give- -3.INAN.O

"He will give it to him here."

đ’‹§đ’ˆŹđ’ˆŸđ’€Š
ĆĄum2-mu-na-ab

ĆĄum-

give-

-mu-

-VEN-

-n-

-3.SG.AN-

-a-

-DAT-

-b

-3.INAN.O

ĆĄum- -mu- -n- -a- -b

give- -VEN- -3.SG.AN- -DAT- -3.INAN.O

"Give it to him here!"

đ’ˆŹđ’ˆŸđ’€Šđ’‹§đ’ˆŹđ’ŒŠđ’ąđ’‚—
mu-na-ab-ĆĄum2-mu-un-ze2-en

mu-

VEN-

-n-

-3.SG.AN-

-a-

-DAT-

-b-

-3.INAN.O-

-ĆĄum-

-give-

-enzen

-2.PL

mu- -n- -a- -b- -ĆĄum- -enzen

VEN- -3.SG.AN- -DAT- -3.INAN.O- -give- -2.PL

"You (plur.) will give it to him"

đ’ŒŠđ’ˆŹđ’ˆŸđ’€Šđ’ąđ’‚—
ĆĄum2-mu-na-ab-ze2-en

ĆĄum-

give-

-mu-

-VEN-

-n-

-3.SG.AN-

-a-

-DAT-

-b-

-3.INAN.O-

-zen

-2.PL.IMP

ĆĄum- -mu- -n- -a- -b- -zen

give- -VEN- -3.SG.AN- -DAT- -3.INAN.O- -2.PL.IMP

'Give (plur.) it to him here!'

This may be compared with the French pair vous le lui donnez, but donnez-le-lui![250]

In addition, the prefix 𒉌 i3- is replaced by /-a/: 𒉌đ’ș i3-g̃en "he went", but đ’șđ’ˆŸ g̃en-na "go!", đ’‰Œđ’ˆŸđ’€Šđ’‰ i3-na-ab-be2 "he will say it to him", but dug4-ga-na(-ab) 'say it to him!'.[287] The ventive prefix mu-, if not followed by others, has the form 𒌝 -um in the imperative: đ’ș𒌝 ƙe6-um 'bring it here!'[289]

Participles

Sumerian participles can function both as verbal adjectives and as verbal nouns. As verbal adjectives, they can describe any participant involved in the action or state expressed by the verb: for instance, 𒋧𒈠 ơum2-ma may mean either "(which was) given (to someone)", "who was given (something)" or "who gave".[290] As verbal nouns, they denote the action or state itself, so 𒋧𒈠 ơum2-ma may also mean '(the act of) giving' or 'the fact that X gave Y'.[290] Participles are formed in the following ways.

  • The bare áž«amáč­u stem can function as a participle. It usually expresses timeless truths: 𒋧 ĆĄum2 may be a person who regularly/constantly gives, something regularly given, or the regular act of giving.[291]
  • Another way to form participles is by means of the nominalizing suffix -/a/, which also converts finite verbs into relative clauses: 𒋧𒈠 ĆĄum2-ma "given",[292] đ’ˆŹđ’ˆŸđ’€­đ’‹§đ’ˆ  {mu-na-n-ĆĄum-a} "which he gave to him", "who gave (something) to him", etc. The verb form constructed in this way characterizes an entity with a specific action or state in the past or a state in the present (đ’‹Ÿđ’†· til3-la "alive").[293] According to Jagersma, the stem used in this form is normally áž«amáč­u.[294] The verbs 𒌇 tuku "have" and đ’Ș zu "know" usually omit the ending -/a/, as does the verb 𒀝 ak "do".[295]
  • The marĂ» stem can be combined with the suffix /-ed/ to form another participle, which often has a future and modal meaning similar to the Latin gerundive, e.g. đ’¶đ’ˆš dim2-me(-d) "which will/should be made". Adding a locative-terminative marker /-e/ after the /-ed/ yields a form with a meaning similar to the Latin ad + gerund (acc.) construction: 𒁶(𒈹)𒉈 dim2(-me)-de3 = "(in order) to make".[296] A similar meaning can be expressed by adding the locative marker: 𒁶(𒈹)𒁕 dim2(-me)-da = "(for it) to be made". The main difference is that in the construction with -(ed)-e, the subject of the intended action is the same as the subject of the main clause, while it is different in the construction with -(ed)-a.[297] The analysis of this participle is controversial along the same lines as that of the meaning of the suffix -ed in finite forms (see above). Some Sumerologists describe its meaning as primarily modal and distinguish it from a separate imperfective participle that consists of the marĂ» stem alone, e.g. đ’¶đ’ˆš dim2-me 'which is/was making', 𒄄𒄄 gi4-gi4 "returning".[298] Others believe that it this is also the normal marĂ» participle and that it has, in addition, the imperfective meanings "which is/was cutting" and "which is/was being cut".[299] Besides the allomorphy of the suffix -/ed/ already treated above, the verb 𒅗 dug4 "do, say" has a suppletive participial stem in this form: đ’Č di(-d).[285]
  • The marĂ» stem can also occur with the suffix -/a/.[300] Nonetheless, according to Jagersma, this form is rare outside the combination with a following possessive pronominal marker to express temporal meaning, as explained in the Syntax section: e.g. 𒁶(𒈹)𒁕𒉌 dim2(-me)-da-ni 'when he makes'.[294]

Copula verb

The copula verb /me/ "to be" is mostly used in an enclitic form. Its conjugation is as follows:

singular plural
1st person 𒈹𒂗 -me-en 𒈹𒂗𒉈𒂗 -me-en-de3-en
2nd person 𒈹𒂗 -me-en 𒈹𒂗𒍱𒂗 -me-en-ze2-en
3rd person 𒀀𒀭 -am3

(Old Sumerian 𒀭 -am6)

𒀭𒈹𒌍 -me-eơ

In addition, the initial vowel of the form -am3 is reduced to /-m/ after enclitics ending in a vowel: 𒂍𒈬𒌝 e2-g̃u10-um "it is my house". Like other final consonants, the -m may not be expressed in early spelling.[301]

These enclitic forms are used instead of a simple sequence of finite prefix, root and personal suffix *i3-me-en, *i-me etc. For more complex forms, the independent copula form is used: 𒉌𒈹𒀀 i3-me-a "that he is", 𒉡𒅇𒈹𒂗 nu-u3-me-en "I am not". Unlike the enclitic, it typically uses the normal stem 𒈹 -me- in the 3rd person singular (𒁀𒊏𒈹 ba-ra-me "should not be"), except for the form prefixed with áž«a-, which is đ’ƒ¶đ’…Ž áž«e3-em or đ’ƒ¶đ’€€đ’€­ áž«e3-am3.[302]

For a negative equivalent of the copula, it seems that the word 𒉡 nu "not" alone instead of *nu-um is used predicatively (e.g. 𒍏𒉡 urud nu "it is not copper"[303]) although the form 𒉡(𒌩)𒂔𒀀𒀭 nu-(un)-ga-am3 "it is also not ..." is attested.[302] A different word is used to express existence or being present/located somewhere: 𒅅 g̃al2.[304]

A peculiar feature of the copula is that it seems to form a relative clause without the nominalizing suffix /-a/ and thus uses the finite form: thus, instead of 𒉌𒈹𒀀 i3-me-a, simply 𒀀𒀭 -am3 is used: đ’†Źđ’ƒ»đ’‚”đ’Šđ’‰Œđ’…Žđ’ˆ đ’€­đ’‹§ kug2 nig̃2-gur11-ra-ni-im ma-an-ĆĄum2 "he gave me silver (which) was his property", which appears to say "The silver was his property, he gave it to me". In the negative, the full form 𒉡𒈹𒀀 nu-me-a "which is not" is used, and likewise in non-relative functions.[305]

Passive voice

A passive can be formed in several different ways in Sumerian.[306]

  1. By simply eliminating the agent of a transitive verb and the corresponding agreement marker: † {engar-e e i-n-ƙu} "the farmer built the house" > {e i-ƙu} "the house was built". As a dynamic passive, in reference to the event itself, this construction is obsolete in áž«amáč­u by the time of the earliest records. However, it is still used with modal prefixes and in marĂ»: e.g. {e áž«a-i-ƙu} "May the house be built!" Moreover, it continues to be used as a stative passive in Southern Sumerian, so {e i-ƙu} can mean "the house is built (i.e. complete)".
  2. With the prefix 𒁀 ba-, e.g. {e ba-ƙu}. This is only found in Southern Sumerian according to Jagersma and expresses only a dynamic passive, i.e. it refers to the event itself: "The house was (came to be) built".[am]
  3. With the prefix {a-}, e.g. {e al-ƙu}. This is only found in Northern Sumerian and can have both a stative and a dynamic sense: "The house is built (complete)" or "The house was (came to be) built".

The agent is never expressed in the passive clause in Sumerian.[307]

Causative construction

Sumerian doesn't have dedicated causative morphology. Causativity is expressed syntactically in two ways, depending on the transitivity of the verb. An intransitive verb is made transitive and thus acquires causative meaning merely by adding an ergative participant and the appropriate agreement marker: {gud i-gub} "the ox stood" - {engar-e gud i-n-gub} "the farmer made the ox stand". A transitive verb is made causative by placing the ergative participant in the directive: {engar-e gud-e u b-i-n-gu} "the farmer made the ox eat grass". For animates, as usual, the directive case marker is replaced by the dative one: {engar-e dumu-ra ninda i-n-i-n-gu} "the farmer made the child eat bread". A further example can be {dig̃ir-e engar-ra gud i-n-i-n-gub}: "the god made the farmer make the ox stand". The causative constructions can in turn be passivized using the prefix ba-: {gud ba-gub} "the ox was caused to stand", {gud-e u ba-b-gu} "the ox was caused to eat grass" (lit. "grass was caused to be eaten by the ox"), {dumu-ra ninda ba-n-gu} "the child was caused to eat bread".[308]

Syntax

General features

The basic word order is subject–object–verb; verb finality is only violated in rare instances, in poetry. The moving of a constituent towards the beginning of the phrase may be a way to highlight it,[309] as may the addition of the copula to it. Modifiers (adjectives, genitive phrases etc.) are normally placed after the noun: 𒂍𒉋 e2 gibil "a new house" đ’‚đ’ˆ—đ’†· e2 lugal-la "the house of the owner". However, the so-called anticipatory genitive (𒂍𒀀𒈗𒉈 e2-a lugal-bi "the owner of the house", lit. "of the house, its owner") is common and may signal the possessor's topicality.[309] There are no adpositions, but noun phrases in a certain case may resemble prepositions and have a similar function:

  • 𒊼...𒀀𒅗 ĆĄag4 X-a-ka, lit. "in the heart of X" = "inside/among X".
  • 𒅆 ... 𒀀𒂠 igi X-a-ĆĄe3, lit. "for the eyes of X" = "in front of X".
  • 𒂕...𒀀𒅗 eg̃er X-a-ka, lit. "at the back of X" = "behind/after X".
  • 𒀀𒅗...𒀀𒅗 X ugu2 X-a-ka, lit. "on the skull of X" = "on top of X"
  • 𒁇...𒀀𒅗 bar X-a-ka, lit. "outside of X" = "because of X" (in Old Sumerian).
  • 𒈬 ... 𒀀𒂠 mu X-a-ĆĄe3, lit. "for the name of X" = "because of X" (in Neo-Sumerian).[310]

Subordinate clauses

There are various ways to express subordination, some of which have already been hinted at. Many of them include the nominalization of a verb with the suffix -/a/. Alone, the resulting clause usually functions as a relative clause, corresponding to an English clause with "which ...", as in the following example:

đ’‡œđ’‚đ’…”đ’†•đ’€€
lu2 e2 in-ƙu2-a

lu

man

e

house

i-n-ƙu-a

FIN-3.A-build-NMLZ

lu e i-n-ƙu-a

man house FIN-3.A-build-NMLZ

"the man who built the house"

The nominalized clause can also be a complement clause, corresponding to an English clause with "that ...", e.g. e2 in-ƙu2-a (in-zu) "(he knows) that he built the house". Like a noun, it can be followed by case morphemes. In the locative case (with added 𒀀 -a), it means "when" (e2 in-ƙu2-a-a "when he built the house"), although this is more common in Old Sumerian. In the ablative case (with added đ’‹« -ta), it means "after" or "since" (e2 in-ƙu2-a-ta "after he built the house"); the particle 𒊑 -ri may express the same meaning as đ’‹« -ta.[311] In the terminative case (with added 𒂠 -ĆĄe3), it has a meaning close to "before" (e2 nu-ƙu2-a-ĆĄe3 "while he had not yet built the house") or "as to the fact that". In the equative case (with added 𒁶 -gin7), it can mean "as (if)", "as (when)", "when" or "because" (e2 in-ƙu2-a-gin7 "as he built the house"). It can also host the enclitics -/akanam/ and -/akeĆĄ/ "because" (e2 in-ƙu2-a-ka-nam "because he built the house"). More surprisingly, it can add both the genitive and the locative morpheme (e2 nu-ƙu2-a-(a-)ka) with a meaning close to "when", possibly "as soon as".[312]

The nominalized clause can directly modify a noun expressing time such as 𒌓 ud "day, time", 𒈬 mu "year" and 𒌗 itid "month", and this in turn can then stand in the locative and ablative in the same meanings as the clauses themselves: ud e2 in-ƙu2-a-a/ta "when/after he built the house".[313] In this case, the particle -bi sometimes precedes the case morpheme: ud e2 in-ƙu2-a-ba; the basic meaning is still of "when".[314] It can also be included in the various "prepositional constructions" mentioned above: bar e2 in-ƙu2-a-ka "because he built the house" (in Old Sumerian), mu X-a-ĆĄe3 "because he built the house" (in Neo-Sumerian), eg̃er e2 in-ƙu2-a-ka "after he built the house", .[312] The structure is shown more clearly in the following example:

đ’‚•đ’€€đ’ˆ đ’Š’đ’€đ’ƒĄđ’Šđ’‹«
eg̃er a-ma-ru ba-ur3-ra-ta

eg̃er

back

amaru

flood

ba-ur-a-ak-ta

MID-sweep.over-NMLZ-GEN-ABL

eg̃er amaru ba-ur-a-ak-ta

back flood MID-sweep.over-NMLZ-GEN-ABL

"after the Flood had swept over"

Participles can function in a very similar way to the nominalized clauses and be combined with the same kinds of adjuncts. One peculiarity is that, unlike nominalized clauses, they may also express the agent as a possessor, in the genitive case: đ’‚đ’†•đ’€€đ’ˆ—đ’†· e2 ƙu2-a lugal-la "the house built by the king". However, when the head noun (e2) is specified as here, a more common construction uses the ergative: 𒂍𒈗𒂊𒆕𒀀 e2 lugal-e ƙu2-a.[315]

A special subordinating construction with the temporal meaning of an English when-clause is the so-called pronominal conjugation, which contains a verb nominalized with -/a/ and following possessive pronouns. In the third person, the form appears to end in the possessive pronoun: 𒆭𒊏𒉌 kur9-ra-ni "when he entered", lit. "his entering". A newer interpretation is that the last syllable in such examples is actually to be read -ne, i.e. 3rd person possessive -ni plus directive -e "at his entering". In contrast, in the 1st and 2nd persons, we find this apparent -ni attached to 1st and 2nd person pronouns: đ’Łđ’‚”đ’ˆŹđ’‰Œ zig3-ga-g̃u-ni "as I rose"). This leads Jagersma to interpret the -ni as an otherwise obsolete locative ending: lit. 'at my rising').[316]

Subordinating conjunctions such as 𒌓𒁕 ud-da "when, if", đ’‹—đ’ƒ»đ’Œ‰đ’‡Č𒁉 tukum-bi "if" and đ’‚—đ’ˆŸ en-na "until" also exist.[317]

Coordination

Coordinating conjunctions are rarely used. The most common way to express the sense of "and" is by simple juxtaposition. Nominal phrases may be conjoined, perhaps emphatically, by adding 𒁉 -bi to the second one: đ’€­đ’‚—đ’†€đ’€­đ’Žđ’†€đ’‰Œ en-lil2 nin-lil2-bi "both Enlil and Ninlil"; sometimes the enclitic is further reinforced by 𒁕 -da "with". More surprisingly, đ’‹« -ta "from" is also sometimes used in the sense of "and".[318] The word 𒅇 u3 "and" was borrowed from Akkadian in the Old Akkadian period and occurs mostly in relatively colloquial texts;[319] Old Babylonian Sumerian also borrowed from Akkadian the enclitic 𒈠 -ma "and".[320] There is no conjunction "or" and its sense can also be expressed by simple juxtaposition; a more explicit and emphatic alternative is the repetition of đ’ƒ¶đ’…Ž áž«e2-em, "let it be": đ’‡»đ’ƒ¶đ’…Žđ’ˆ§đ’ƒ¶đ’…Ž udu áž«e2-em maĆĄ áž«e2-em "(be it) a sheep or a goat".[321]

Other issues

A quotative particle -/(e)ĆĄe/ or -/ĆĄi/ "saying", variously spelt 𒂠 -eĆĄe2, 𒅆 -ĆĄi or đ’€Șđ’Šș -e-ĆĄe, has been identified.[322]

Highlighting uses of the copula somewhat similar to English cleft constructions are present: 𒈗𒀀𒀭𒉌đ’ș lugal-am3 i3-g̃en3 "It is the king who came", đ’€€đ’ˆŸđ’€žđ’€€đ’€­đ’‰Œđ’ș a-na-aĆĄ-am3 i3-g̃en3 "Why is it that he came?", 𒉌đ’ș𒀀𒀭 i3-g̃en3-am3 "It is the case that he came".[323]

Yes/no-interrogative sentences appear to have been marked only by intonation and possibly by resulting lengthening of final vowels, but where a declarative would have used a copula, a yes/no-interrogative omits it.[324] There is no wh-movement: wh-questions generally have the same word order as declaratives.[325]

A specific problem of Sumerian syntax is posed by the numerous so-called "compound verbs", which are in fact not compounds[326] but phrasal combinations akin to English phrasal verbs: they usually involve a noun immediately before the verb, forming a lexical/idiomatic unit[327] (e.g. 𒋗...đ’‹Ÿ ĆĄu...ti, lit. "hand-approach" = "receive"; 𒅆...𒂃 igi...du8, lit. "eye-open" = "see", 𒆠...𒉘 ki ... ag̃2, lit. "to measure out ... a place" = "to love"). Some of them are claimed to have a special agreement pattern that they share with causative constructions: their logical object, like the causee, receives, in the verb, the directive prefix, but in the noun, the dative suffix if animate and the directive if inanimate.[243]

Word formation

Derivation by affixation is largely non-existent.[328][329] An exception may be a few nouns ending in /-u/ denoting the object of a corresponding verb: 𒊬𒊒 sar-ru "document" < 𒊬 sar "write".[330] Compounding, on the other hand, is common in nouns. Compounds are normally left-headed. The dependent may be:

  • Another noun: 𒂍 e2 "house" + 𒈬 muáž«aldim "cook" > 𒂍𒈬 e2-muáž«aldim "kitchen"
  • An adjective: 𒌹 ur "dog" + đ’ˆ€maáž« "great" > đ’Œšđ’ˆ€ ur-maáž« "lion"
  • A participle (consisting of the bare verb stem): đ’ƒ» nig̃2 "thing" + 𒁀 ba "give(n)" > đ’ƒ»đ’€ nig̃2-ba "present",
  • A participle with a dependent word: đ’ƒ» nig̃2 "thing" + 𒍣 zi "breath" + 𒅅 g̃al2 "be there" > đ’ƒ»đ’Łđ’…… nig̃2-zi-g̃al2 "living thing"

An older obsolete pattern was right-headed instead:

  • 𒂍 e2 "house" + 𒊼 ĆĄag4 "heart" > 𒂍𒊼 e2-ĆĄag4 "innermost part of a house"
  • đ’ƒČ gal "big" + 𒈜 nar "musician" > đ’ƒČ𒈜 gal-nar "chief musician"

A participle may be the head of the compound, preceded by a dependent:

  • đ’Ÿ dub "clay tablet" + 𒊬 sar "write" > đ’Ÿđ’ŠŹ dub-sar "scribe"
  • 𒋗 ĆĄu "hand" + 𒋳 tag "touch" > 𒋗𒋳 ĆĄu-tag "decoration" (corresponding to the phrasal verb 𒋗...𒋳 ĆĄu...tag "decorate")

There are a few cases of nominalized finite verbs, too: 𒁀𒍗 ba-uơ4 "(who) has died" > "dead"

Abstract nouns are formed as compounds headed by the word 𒉆 nam- "fate, status": 𒌉 dumu "child" > 𒉆𒌉 nam-dumu "childhood", đ’‹» tar "cut, decide" > 𒉆𒋻 nam-tar "fate".[331][332] Nouns that express the object of an action or an object possessing a characteristic are formed as compounds headed by the word đ’ƒ» nig̃2 "thing": đ’…„ gu4 "eat" > đ’ƒ»đ’…„ nig̃2-gu4 "food", 𒄭 "good, sweet" > đ’ƒ»đ’„­ nig̃2-dug "something sweet". The meaning may also be abstract: 𒋛...đ’Č si...sa2 "straighten, put in order" > nig̃2-si-sa2 "justice".[333]

Apparent coordinative compounds also exist, e.g. 𒀭𒆠 an-ki "the universe", lit. "heaven and earth".[334]

A noun can be formed from an adjective by conversion: for example, đ’‚Œ dag̃al "wide" also means "width".[335]

On verbs acquiring the properties of adjectives and nouns (agent nouns and action nouns), see the section on Participles above.

Dialects

The standard variety of Sumerian was Emegir (𒅮𒂠: eme-gir₁₅). A notable variety or sociolect was Emesal (đ’…Žđ’Š©: eme-sal), possibly to be interpreted as "fine tongue" or "high-pitched voice".[336] Other terms for dialects or registers were eme-galam "high tongue", eme-si-sa "straight tongue", eme-te-na "oblique[?] tongue", etc.[337]

Emesal is used exclusively by female characters in some literary texts (that may be compared to the female languages or language varieties that exist or have existed in some cultures, such as among the Chukchis and the Garifuna). In addition, it is dominant in certain genres of cult songs such as the hymns sung by Gala priests.[338] The special features of Emesal are mostly phonological (for example, m is often used instead of g̃ [i.e. /Ƌ/, as in 𒈹 me instead of standard đ’‚· g̃e26 for "I"), but words different from the standard language are also used (𒂔𒊭𒀭 ga-ĆĄa-an rather than standard 𒎏 nin, "lady").[339]

Bram Jagersma believes that he can distinguish two regional dialects of Sumerian - the Southern Sumerian that eventually formed the basis for the common standard of the Neo-Sumerian (Ur III) period and Northern Sumerian as seen in texts from Nippur, Adab and Isin (although eventually texts in the standard variety begin to be produced in that area as well). The differences that he finds between the two varieties are:

  • In Southern Sumerian, the conjugation prefix 𒉌 /i-/ alternated with 𒂊 /e-/ in accordance with vowel harmony during the Old Sumerian period, while Northern Sumerian only had /i-/. Later Southern Sumerian generalized /i-/ as well.
  • In Southern Sumerian, the conjugation prefix expressing the passive was 𒁀 ba-, while in Northern Sumerian, it was 𒀀 a-.
  • In Southern Sumerian after the Old Akkadian period, the conjugation prefix 𒀀 a-, which had originally existed in both dialects, disappears entirely apart from the variant 𒀠 al-, which only appears in subordinate clauses.
  • In Southern Sumerian, the Old Sumerian phoneme ƙ merged with r, while in Northern Sumerian, it merged with d.

Furthermore, the standard Neo-Sumerian variety of Ur III period and the dominant Sumerian variety of the Old Babylonian period also reflect different regional dialects:

  • Neo-Sumerian elides the conjugation prefixes 𒉌 /i/- and 𒀀 /a/- in front of the prefixes 𒉌-/ni/-, 𒊏 -/ra/- and 𒊑 -/ri/-, while Old Babylonian Sumerian retains them.
  • The original sequence 𒈬𒂊 mu-e-, consisting of the ventive conjugation prefix 𒈬 mu- and the 2nd person prefix 𒂊 -e-, is contracted into 𒈬 /muː/ in the Ur III standard, but into 𒈹 /meː/ in the most common Old Babylonian variety.[340]

Interference from Akkadian

In the Old Babylonian period and after it, the Sumerian used by scribes was influenced by their mother tongue, Akkadian, and various deviations from its original structure occur in texts or copies of texts from these times. The following effects have been found in the Old Babylonian period:[17]

  • confusion of the animate and inanimate gender (use of the directive -e instead of the dative -ra with animate nouns, especially after the genitive -/(a)k/, is attested as early as the Ur III period);
  • confusion of the locative case (-a) and the directive case (-e);
  • occasional use of the ergative/directive ending -e instead of the genitive case marker -a(k);
  • treatment of the prefix sequences 𒉈 b-i- and 𒉌 n-i-, which originally could mark the causee in transitive verbs, as causative markers even with intransitive verbs;
  • use of terminative 𒂠-ĆĄe3 instead of locative -a to express the meaning "into";
  • dropping of final -/m/ in the copula -am3 and sometimes its replacement with /e/.

For Middle Babylonian and later texts, even more deviations have been noted:[32]

  • use of the ablative đ’‹« -ta instead of the locative -a;
  • use of 𒆀 -ke4, originally expressing a sequence of the genitive marker -ak and the ergative marker -e, simply as a marker of the genitive, equivalent to -a(k) alone;
  • omission of the ergative marker -e and apparent loss of the notion of an ergative case;
  • omission of the genitive marker -a(k).[32]
  • use of infrequent words, sometimes inappropriately, apparently extracted from lexical lists.[33]

Syllabary

The table below shows signs used for simple syllables of the form CV or VC. As used for the Sumerian language, the cuneiform script was in principle capable of distinguishing at least 16 consonants,[341][342] transliterated as

b, d, g, g̃, áž«, k, l, m, n, p, r, ƙ, s, ĆĄ, t, z

as well as four vowel qualities, a, e, i, u.

Sale of a number of fields, probably from Isin, c. 2600 BC.
Sumerian CV and VC syllabic glyphs
Ca Ce Ci Cu aC eC iC uC
a 𒀀,

á 𒀉

e 𒂊,

Ă© 𒂍

i 𒄿,

í=IÁ 𒐊,
ì=NI 𒉌

u 𒌋,

Ăș 𒌑,
Ăč 𒅇

a 𒀀,

á 𒀉

e 𒂊,

Ă© 𒂍

i 𒄿,

í=IÁ 𒐊,
ì=NI 𒉌

u 𒌋,

Ăș 𒌑,
Ăč 𒅇

b- ba 𒁀,

bĂĄ=PA đ’‰ș,
bà=EƠ 𒌍

be=BAD 𒁁,

bĂ©=BI 𒁉,
bù=NI 𒉌

bi 𒁉,

bí=NE 𒉈,
bì=PI 𒉿

bu 𒁍,

bĂș=KASKAL 𒆜,
bĂč=PÙ đ’…€

ab 𒀊,

áb 𒀖

eb=IB 𒅁,

Ă©b=TUM 𒌈

ib 𒅁,

íb=TUM 𒌈

ub 𒌒,

Ășb=ƠÈ 𒂠

-b
d- da 𒁕,

dĂĄ=TA đ’‹«

de=DI đ’Č,

dĂ© 𒌣,
dù=NE 𒉈

di đ’Č,

dí=TÍ 𒄭

du đ’ș,

dĂș=TU 𒌅,
dĂč=GAG 𒆕,
du4=TUM 𒌈

ad 𒀜,

ád 𒄉

ed=Á 𒀉 id=Á 𒀉,

íd=A.ENGUR 𒀀𒇉

ud 𒌓,

Ășd=ÁƠ đ’€Ÿ

-d
g- ga đ’‚”,

gĂĄ đ’‚·

ge=GI 𒄀,

gĂ©=KID 𒆀,
gĂš=DIĆ  đ’č

gi 𒄀,

gĂ­=KID 𒆀,
gĂŹ=DIĆ  đ’č,
gi4 𒄄,
gi5=KI 𒆠

gu 𒄖,

gĂș 𒄘,
gĂč=KA 𒅗,
gu4 𒄞,
gu5=KU đ’†Ș,
gu6=NAG 𒅘,
gu7 đ’…„

ag 𒀝,

ág 𒉘

eg=IG 𒅅,

Ă©g=E 𒂊

ig 𒅅,

íg=E 𒂊

ug 𒊌 -g
áž«- áž«a đ’„©,

áž«ĂĄ=ážȘI.A 𒄭𒀀,
áž«Ă =U 𒌋,
áž«a4=ážȘI 𒄭

áž«e=ážȘI 𒄭,

áž«Ă©=GAN đ’ƒ¶

áž«i 𒄭,

áž«Ă­=GAN đ’ƒ¶

áž«u đ’„· aáž« 𒄮,

ĂĄáž«=Ć EĆ  𒋀

eáž«=AážȘ 𒄮 iáž«=AážȘ 𒄮 uáž«=AážȘ 𒄮,

Ășáž« 𒌔

-áž«
k- ka 𒅗,

ká 𒆍,
kĂ =GA đ’‚”

ke=KI 𒆠,

kĂ©=GI 𒄀

ki 𒆠,

kí=GI 𒄀

ku đ’†Ș/𒂠,

kĂș=GU7 đ’…„,
kĂč 𒆬,
ku4 𒆭

ak=AG 𒀝 ek=IG 𒅅 ik=IG 𒅅 uk=UG 𒊌 -k
l- la đ’†·,

lĂĄ=LAL đ’‡Č,
là=NU 𒉡

le=LI đ’‡·,

lĂ©=NI 𒉌

li đ’‡·,

lí=NI 𒉌

lu 𒇻,

lĂș đ’‡œ

al 𒀠,

ĂĄl=ALAM 𒀩

el 𒂖,

Ă©l=IL 𒅋

il 𒅋,

íl 𒅍

ul 𒌌,

Ășl=NU 𒉡

-l
m- ma 𒈠,

má 𒈣

me 𒈹,

mĂ©=MI đ’ˆȘ,
mù 𒀞/𒅠

mi đ’ˆȘ,

mĂ­=MUNUS đ’Š©,
mì=ME 𒈹

mu 𒈬,

mĂș=SAR 𒊬

am 𒄠/𒂔,

ám=ÁG 𒉘

em=IM 𒅎 im 𒅎,

Ă­m=KAĆ 4 đ’œ

um 𒌝,

Ășm=UD 𒌓

-m
n- na đ’ˆŸ,

ná 𒈿,
nà=AG 𒀝,
na4 ("NI.UD") 𒉌𒌓

ne 𒉈,

nĂ©=NI 𒉌

ni 𒉌,

ní=IM 𒉎

nu 𒉡,

nĂș=NÁ 𒈿

an 𒀭 en 𒂗,

Ă©n,
Ăšn=LI đ’‡·

in 𒅔,

in4=EN 𒂗,
in5=NIN đ’Š©đ’Œ†

un 𒌩,

Ășn=U 𒌋

-n
p- pa đ’‰ș,

pá=BA 𒁀,
pà=PAD3 𒅆𒊒

pe=PI 𒉿,

pĂ©=BI 𒁉

pi 𒉿,

pí=BI 𒁉,
pì=BAD 𒁁

pu=BU 𒁍,

pĂș=TÚL 𒇄,
pĂč đ’…€

ap=AB 𒀊 ep=IB 𒅁,

Ă©p=TUM 𒌈

ip=IB 𒅁,

íp=TUM 𒌈

up=UB 𒌒,

Ășp=ƠÈ 𒂠

-p
r- ra 𒊏,

rĂĄ=DU đ’ș

re=RI 𒊑,

rĂ©=URU đ’Œ·,
rù=LAGAB 𒆾

ri 𒊑,

rĂ­=URU đ’Œ·
rì=LAGAB 𒆾

ru 𒊒,

rĂș=GAG 𒆕,
rĂč=AĆ  𒀾

ar 𒅈,

ár=UB 𒌒

er=IR 𒅕 ir 𒅕,

ír=A.IGI 𒀀𒅆

ur 𒌹,

Ășr đ’Œ«

-r
s- sa 𒊓,

sĂĄ=DI đ’Č,
sà=ZA 𒍝,
sa4 ("ážȘU.NÁ") đ’„·đ’ˆŸ

se=SI 𒋛,

sĂ©=ZI 𒍣

si 𒋛,

sí=ZI 𒍣

su 𒋱,

sĂș=ZU đ’Ș,
sĂč=SUD đ’‹€,
su4 𒋜

as=AZ 𒊍 es=GIƠ 𒄑,

Ă©s=EĆ  𒂠

is=GIƠ 𒄑,

ís=EƠ 𒂠

us=UZ,

Ășs=UĆ  𒍑
us₅ 𒇇

-s
ơ- ơa 𒊭,

ĆĄĂĄ=NÍG đ’Œ,
ơà 𒊼

ĆĄe đ’Šș,

ĆĄĂ©,
ơù 𒂠

ơi=IGI 𒅆,

ơí=SI 𒋛

ơu 𒋗,

ĆĄĂș 𒋙,
ĆĄĂč=ƠÈ 𒂠,
ơu4=U 𒌋

aơ 𒀾,

ĂĄĆĄ đ’€Ÿ

eơ 𒌍/𒐁,

Ă©ĆĄ=ƠÈ 𒂠

iơ 𒅖,

íơ=KASKAL 𒆜

uơ 𒍑,

ĂșĆĄ=BAD 𒁁

-ĆĄ
t- ta đ’‹«,

tá=DA 𒁕

te đ’‹Œ,

tĂ©=TÍ đ’Šč

ti đ’‹Ÿ,

tĂ­ đ’Šč,
tì=DIM 𒁮,
ti4=DI đ’Č

tu 𒌅,

tĂș=UD 𒌓,
tĂč=DU đ’ș

at=AD 𒀜,

ĂĄt=GÍR gunĂ» 𒄉

et=Á 𒀉 it=Á 𒀉 ut=UD 𒌓,

Ășt=ÁƠ đ’€Ÿ

-t
z- za 𒍝,

zá=NA4 𒉌𒌓

ze=ZI 𒍣,

zĂ©=ZÍ 𒍱

zi 𒍣,

zí 𒍱,
zĂŹ đ’„

zu đ’Ș,

zĂș=KA 𒅗

az 𒊍 ez=GIƠ 𒄑,

Ă©z=EĆ  𒂠

iz= GIƠ 𒄑,

íz=IƠ 𒅖

uz=Ć E&HU đ’Š»

Ășz=UĆ  𒍑,
Ăčz 𒍚

-z
g̃- gÌƒĂĄ=GÁ đ’‚· g̃e26=GÁ đ’‚· g̃i6=MI đ’ˆȘ g̃u10=MU 𒈬 ĂĄg̃=ÁG 𒉘 Ăšg̃=ÁG 𒉘 ĂŹg̃=ÁG 𒉘 Ăčg̃=UN 𒌩 -g̃
ƙ- ƙá=DU đ’ș ƙe6=DU đ’ș -ƙ

Sample text

Inscription by Entemena of LagaĆĄ

This text was inscribed on a small clay cone c. 2400 BC. It recounts the beginning of a war between the city-states of LagaĆĄ and Umma during the Early Dynastic III period, one of the earliest border conflicts recorded. (RIME 1.09.05.01)[343]

Cone of Enmetena, king of Lagash, Room 236 Reference AO 3004, Louvre Museum.[344][343]
I.1–7

𒀭𒂗𒆀

den-lil2

𒈗

lugal

𒆳𒆳𒊏

kur-kur-ra

𒀊𒁀

ab-ba

đ’€­đ’€­đ’Œ·đ’‰ˆđ’†€

dig̃ir-dig̃ir-re2-ne-ke4

𒅗

inim

đ’„€đ’ˆŸđ’‰Œđ’‹«

gi-na-ni-ta

đ’€­đ’Š©đ’Œ†đ’„ˆđ’‹ą

dnin-g̃ir2-su

𒀭𒇋𒁉

dĆĄara2-bi

𒆠

ki

đ’‚Šđ’‰ˆđ’‹©

e-ne-sur

𒀭𒂗𒆀 𒈗 𒆳𒆳𒊏 𒀊𒁀 đ’€­đ’€­đ’Œ·đ’‰ˆđ’†€ 𒅗 đ’„€đ’ˆŸđ’‰Œđ’‹« đ’€­đ’Š©đ’Œ†đ’„ˆđ’‹ą 𒀭𒇋𒁉 𒆠 đ’‚Šđ’‰ˆđ’‹©

den-lil2 lugal kur-kur-ra ab-ba dig̃ir-dig̃ir-re2-ne-ke4 inim gi-na-ni-ta dnin-g̃ir2-su dĆĄara2-bi ki e-ne-sur

"Enlil, king of all the lands, father of all the gods, by his firm command, fixed the border between Ningirsu and Ć ara."

8–12

𒈹đ’Č

me-silim

𒈗

lugal

𒆧𒆠𒆀

kiĆĄki-ke4

𒅗

inim

𒀭𒅗đ’Čđ’ˆŸđ’‹«

diĆĄtaran-na-ta

𒂠

eĆĄ2

đ’ƒ·

gana2

𒁉𒊏

be2-ra

𒆠𒁀

ki-ba

đ’ˆŸ

na

𒉈𒆕

bi2-ƙu2

𒈹đ’Č 𒈗 𒆧𒆠𒆀 𒅗 𒀭𒅗đ’Čđ’ˆŸđ’‹« 𒂠 đ’ƒ· 𒁉𒊏 𒆠𒁀 đ’ˆŸ 𒉈𒆕

me-silim lugal kiơki-ke4 inim diơtaran-na-ta eơ2 gana2 be2-ra ki-ba na bi2-ƙu2

"Mesilim, king of KiĆĄ, at the command of IĆĄtaran, measured the field and set up a stele there."

13–17

𒍑

uĆĄ

đ’‰șđ’‹Œđ’‹›

ensi2

𒄑𒆔𒆠𒆀

ummaki-ke4

𒉆

nam

𒅗𒈠

inim-ma

𒋛𒀀𒋛𒀀𒂠

diri-diri-ĆĄe3

𒂊𒀝

e-ak

𒍑 đ’‰șđ’‹Œđ’‹› 𒄑𒆔𒆠𒆀 𒉆 𒅗𒈠 𒋛𒀀𒋛𒀀𒂠 𒂊𒀝

uĆĄ ensi2 ummaki-ke4 nam inim-ma diri-diri-ĆĄe3 e-ak

"Ush, ruler of Umma, acted unspeakably."

18–21

đ’ˆŸđ’†•đ’€€đ’‰

na-ru2-a-bi

đ’‰Œđ’‰»

i3-pad

𒂔

edin

𒉹𒁓𒆷𒆠𒂠

lagaĆĄki-ĆĄe3

𒉌đ’ș

i3-g̃en

đ’ˆŸđ’†•đ’€€đ’‰ đ’‰Œđ’‰» 𒂔 𒉹𒁓𒆷𒆠𒂠 𒉌đ’ș

na-ru2-a-bi i3-pad edin lagaĆĄki-ĆĄe3 i3-g̃en

"He ripped out that stele and marched toward the plain of LagaĆĄ."

22–27

đ’€­đ’Š©đ’Œ†đ’„ˆđ’‹ą

dnin-g̃ir2-su

𒌹𒊕

ur-sag

𒀭𒂗𒆀đ’‡Č𒆀

den-lil2-la2-ke4

𒅗

inim

𒋛đ’Čđ’‰Œđ’‹«

si-sa2-ni-ta

𒄑𒆔𒆠𒁕

ummaki-da

đ’źđ’„©đ’Š

dam-áž«a-ra

𒂊𒁕𒀝

e-da-ak

đ’€­đ’Š©đ’Œ†đ’„ˆđ’‹ą 𒌹𒊕 𒀭𒂗𒆀đ’‡Č𒆀 𒅗 𒋛đ’Čđ’‰Œđ’‹« 𒄑𒆔𒆠𒁕 đ’źđ’„©đ’Š 𒂊𒁕𒀝

dnin-g̃ir2-su ur-sag den-lil2-la2-ke4 inim si-sa2-ni-ta ummaki-da dam-áž«a-ra e-da-ak

"Ningirsu, warrior of Enlil, at his just command, made war with Umma."

28–31

𒅗

inim

𒀭𒂗𒆀đ’‡Čđ’‹«

den-lil2-la2-ta

𒊓

sa

𒌋

ĆĄu4

đ’ƒČ

gal

𒉈𒌋

bi2-ĆĄu4

𒅖𒇯đ’‹ș𒁉

SAážȘAR.DU6.TAKA4-bi

đ’‚”đ’ˆŸ

eden-na

𒆠

ki

𒁀𒉌𒍑𒍑

ba-ni-us2-us2

𒅗 𒀭𒂗𒆀đ’‡Čđ’‹« 𒊓 𒌋 đ’ƒČ 𒉈𒌋 𒅖𒇯đ’‹ș𒁉 đ’‚”đ’ˆŸ 𒆠 𒁀𒉌𒍑𒍑

inim den-lil2-la2-ta sa ĆĄu4 gal bi2-ĆĄu4 SAážȘAR.DU6.TAKA4-bi eden-na ki ba-ni-us2-us2

"At Enlil's command, he threw his great battle net over it and heaped up burial mounds for it on the plain."

32–38

đ’‚đ’€­đ’ˆŸđ’ș

e2-an-na-tum2

đ’‰șđ’‹Œđ’‹›

ensi2

𒉹𒁓𒆷𒆠

lagaĆĄki

đ’‰ș𒄑𒉋𒂔

pa-bil3-ga

đ’‚—đ’‹Œđ’ˆšđ’ˆŸ

en-mete-na

đ’‰șđ’‹Œđ’‹›

ensi2

𒉹𒁓𒆷𒆠𒅗𒆀

lagaĆĄki-ka-ke4

đ’‚đ’€­đ’ˆŸđ’ș đ’‰șđ’‹Œđ’‹› 𒉹𒁓𒆷𒆠 đ’‰ș𒄑𒉋𒂔 đ’‚—đ’‹Œđ’ˆšđ’ˆŸ đ’‰șđ’‹Œđ’‹› 𒉹𒁓𒆷𒆠𒅗𒆀

e2-an-na-tum2 ensi2 lagaĆĄki pa-bil3-ga en-mete-na ensi2 lagaĆĄki-ka-ke4

"Eannatum, ruler of Lagash, uncle of Entemena, ruler of LagaĆĄ"

39–42

𒂗𒀉𒆗𒇷

en-a2-kal-le

đ’‰șđ’‹Œđ’‹›

ensi2

𒄑𒆔𒆠𒁕

ummaki-da

𒆠

ki

𒂊𒁕𒋩

e-da-sur

𒂗𒀉𒆗𒇷 đ’‰șđ’‹Œđ’‹› 𒄑𒆔𒆠𒁕 𒆠 𒂊𒁕𒋩

en-a2-kal-le ensi2 ummaki-da ki e-da-sur

"fixed the border with Enakale, ruler of Umma"

See also

References

Notes

  1. ^ Interestingly, the poorly documented Sealand Dynasty (c. 1732–1460 BC), which ruled in a region in Southern Mesopotamia corresponding to historical Sumer, appears to have particularly favoured Sumerian; Sumerian school documents from that time were found at Tell Khaiber, some of which contain year names from the reign of a king with the Sumerian throne name Aya-dara-galama.[36]
  2. ^ As is generally the case with the vowel -/e/, the vowel of the ergative ending can contract with a preceding vowel, lengthening it: lu2-e > đ’‡œđ’…‡ lu2-u3 "man (erg.)". In early texts, the length of the vowel isn't marked at all, leaving the ending with no reflection in the spelling.
  3. ^ According to Jagersma, this is a tendency due to semantic reasons, but not a strict rule of the language.[121]
  4. ^ With animates, the dative is usually used instead.
  5. ^ The final consonant appears only in front of a following vowel. See the section on Consonants above for this phenomenon.
  6. ^ The allomorph -/r/ is used after vowels. In early texts, it may not be expressed at all. Alternatively, the alternation may be ignored in the spelling, so that -ra is written even after vowels.[122]
  7. ^ With inanimates, the directive is usually used instead.
  8. ^ The allomorph -/ĆĄ/ is used after vowels. In early texts, it may not be expressed graphically at all. Alternatively, the alternation may be ignored in the spelling, so that -ĆĄe3 is written even after vowels.[123]
  9. ^ Although the marker is never written with a sign for VC, it seems likely that there was an allomorph -/d/ used after vowels, leading to the dative marker remaining unwritten in this position in early texts.[124]
  10. ^ With animates, the corresponding case in some constructions is the dative.[125]
  11. ^ With animates, the construction 𒆠...(𒀀)đ’‹« ki X-a(k)-ta, lit. "from the place of X" is used.[126]
  12. ^ The variant with /e/ is found in Old Babylonian and has a few attestations in Ur III Neo-Sumerian.
  13. ^ The inanimate has no number distinction, so 𒁉 -bi can mean both "its" and "their".
  14. ^ The forms /menden/ or /me/ for "we" and /menzen/ for "you (pl.)" are only attested in Sumero-Akkadian lexical lists and, in the case of /mende(n)/, in an Old Babylonian literary text. Two of them seem to consist of the enclitic copula conjugated in the corresponding person and number ("(who) we are", "(who) you (pl.) are"). Another form given in lexical lists is 𒍝𒂊𒈹𒂗𒍱𒂗 za-e-me-ze2-en, clearly a combination of the personal plural you (sing.) and the 2nd person plural form of the copula. For these reasons, their authenticity is considered dubious.[131][132]
  15. ^ The forms /menden/ or /me/ for "we" and /menzen/ for "you (pl.)" are only attested in Sumero-Akkadian lexical lists and, in the case of /mende(n)/, in an Old Babylonian literary text. Two of them seem to consist of the enclitic copula conjugated in the corresponding person and number ("(who) we are", "(who) you (pl.) are"). Another form given in lexical lists is 𒍝𒂊𒈹𒂗𒍱𒂗 za-e-me-ze2-en, clearly a combination of the personal plural "you" (sing.) and the 2nd person plural form of the copula. For these reasons, their authenticity is considered dubious.[131][132]
  16. ^ The variant with /e/ is found in Old Babylonian and has a few attestations in Ur III Neo-Sumerian.[133][134][135][136]
  17. ^ Jagersma considers the correct reading of the sign 𒁉 bi in the possessive/demonstrative enclitic to be be2.
  18. ^ As a first stage in this development, Jagersma reconstructs a prehistoric Sumerian system where /a-/ signalled imperfectivity and /i-/ perfectivity, before the marĂ»-áž«amáč­u tense-aspect distinction took over that role. áž«amáč­u forms with /a-/ were interpreted as statives, increasingly marginalised in the South, but given a new additional function in the North as early as the Fara period texts (Jagersma 2010: 548-549).
  19. ^ In particular, this is shown by the fact that since sequences like ba.n.ĆĄi- and ba.n.da- are possible in attested Sumerian (even though ba.b.ĆĄi- and ba.b.da- remain impossible because of the origin of ba-[218]).[219]
  20. ^ Also -e- in some Old Babylonian texts. Note that -e-, too, had a tendency to assimilate to the preceding vowel.[231][232]
  21. ^ The 1st person plural dative marker, like the corresponding singular, seems to include the ventive prefix (Jagersma 2010: 410).
  22. ^ Only attested in late texts (Jagersma 2010: 381).
  23. ^ However, the plural pronominal markers usually don't take the dative marker and express an indirect object on their own (although there are some attestations of the expected /-ne-a/ and /-me-a/ from the Ur III period and Old Babylonian periods.[237]
  24. ^ The allomorph -di3- is used before the locative prefix /-ni-/).
  25. ^ The allomorph -ra- is used after vowels.[238]
  26. ^ According to Jagersma (2010: 476-482) and ZĂłlyomi (2018: 206, 215), the allomorph -i- is used after consonant, while -e- is used after vowels. In the latter case, -e- may be assimilated to the preceding vowel, while the vowel undergoes compensatory lengthening: 𒈬𒂊 mu-e- > 𒈬𒅇 mu-u3- etc. In Old Babylonian Sumerian, it is the preceding vowel that assimilated to -e-: 𒁕𒂊 -da-e- > 𒉈 de3 The prefix does not seem to surface at all between a vowel and a subject/object prefix as in ma2-a mu-na-*(e)-n-g̃ar2 "he loaded it on the boat for her".[239]
  27. ^ The locative prefix is unique in that it is never attached to a pronominal prefix, but rather combines in itself the pronominal and dimensional meanings, meaning "there" or "in there".
  28. ^ An alleged exception is the verb 𒉐 tum3 'bring', which appears to have imperfective meaning of a marĂ» form, but nonetheless follows the áž«amáč­u agreement pattern: 𒁀𒀭𒉐 ba-an-tum3 "he will take it away" (Jagersma 2010: 266-367).
  29. ^ A significant minority of Sumerologists believe that the prefixes of the 1st and 2nd person are /-en-/ rather than /-e-/ when they stand for the object (i.e. in marĂ»); that would often be indistinguishable from the 3rd person animate -n-.[261][262][263]
  30. ^ A significant minority of Sumerologists have posited a separate prefix -(e)n- for the 1st and 2nd person direct object in marĂ»; that would often be indistinguishable from the 3rd person animate -n-.[261][263]
  31. ^ The inanimate agreement marker has no number distinction.
  32. ^ According to several researchers, -/b/- as a direct object marker may be absent under conditions that are not entirely clear; in particular, several verbs such as 𒌣 de2 "pour", 𒆕 ƙu2 "build", đ’ƒ» g̃ar "put" and 𒂊 e "say" very often (but not always) lack it.[264]
  33. ^ -/nne/- with geminate /n/ according to Jagersma (2010:339-340)
  34. ^ The morpheme -/ne/- for the 3rd person animate plural subject was used in Old Sumerian and was replaced by -/b/- in Neo-Sumerian.[265]
  35. ^ Other verbs with such suppletion are đ’‹Ÿ til3 (𒇻 lug with non-humans) - 𒅊 se12/sig7 "live" and a number of verbs in whose paradigms there is additional interplay with tense/aspect, on which see below.[266] Another verb which may belong here is đ’ș tum2 - đ’șđ’ș laáž«5 "bring"[266] ("to lead" according to several researchers or "to bring" used with countable objects according to ZĂłlyomi 2018.[267])
  36. ^ Other common verbs of this type are đ’…đ’‚·/𒅍 gag̃ "carry" (red. ga6-ga6), đ’ƒ» g̃ar "put" (red. đ’‚·đ’‚· g̃a2-g̃a2), 𒄄 gi4 "turn", 𒆄 gur10 "reap", đ’„©đ’†· áž«a-la (red. áž«al-áž«a) "divide", 𒅆𒌹 áž«ulu (red. áž«uláž«u), 𒆄 kig̃2 "seek", 𒊬 mĂș "grow", 𒅘 nag̃ (red. na8-na8) "drink", 𒆾𒆾 nig̃in2 (red. ne-ne) "go around", 𒊏 ra "hit", 𒉚 sa10 "barter", 𒋱 sug6 (red. su2-su2) "repay", 𒂞 ĆĄeĆĄ2 "anoint" (red. ĆĄe8-ĆĄe8 - reduplicating only in post-Ur III texts), đ’‹ș taka4 (red. da13-da13) "leave behind", đ’‹Œđ’‚— te-en (red. te-en-te) "cool off", 𒋗𒉀 tu5 "bathe in", 𒌇 tuku red. du12-du12) "have", 𒋳 tuku5 "weave", 𒍣 zig (red. zi-zi), "rise".[275][276]
  37. ^ Jagersma (2010: 311) treats this as a suppletive stem. As another instance of the same pattern, ZĂłlyomi (2018) cites 𒌓đ’ș e3 vs ed2.[277] Foxvog (2010: 120) points out that this class has at most these two members and considers its status to be suspect.
  38. ^ 𒅗 dug4 - 𒂊 e "do, say" also has the marĂ» participle stem đ’Č did and, exceptionally, uses the stem 𒂊 e to agree with plural ergative subjects.[278] Other such verbs are đ’†Ș tuĆĄ - đ’†Ș dur2 "sit" (singular; the plural is always đ’†Ș durun), and 𒁁 uĆĄ2 - 𒁁/𒂩 ug7/ug5 "die" (singular; the plural is always /ug/), and đ’ș ƙe6 - 𒉐 tum3 (the latter with an exceptional áž«amáč­u agreement pattern) "bring".[279] The last verb is also traditionally ascribed the plural stem đ’șđ’ș laáž«5,[280] but several researchers have recently argued that this is used for a separate verb with the áž«amáč­u stem đ’ș tum2 ("to lead" or, according to ZĂłlyomi 2018, p. 141-142, "to bring" used for countable objects as opposed to ƙe6 for uncountable ones).
  39. ^ Edzard (2003: 95) believes that this use of ba- first occurs in Neo-Sumerian, but Jagersma (2010: 496) states that it was already present in Old Sumerian.

Citations

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  106. ^ a b Foxvog (2016: 22)
  107. ^ Edzard (2003: 29)
  108. ^ "Kausen, Ernst. 2006. Sumerische Sprache. p.9". Archived from the original on 2009-09-27. Retrieved 2006-02-06.
  109. ^ ZĂłlyomi, GĂĄbor, 1993: Voice and Topicalization in Sumerian. PhD Dissertation [3] Archived 2008-10-01 at the Wayback Machine
  110. ^ a b Johnson, Cale, 2004: In the Eye of the Beholder: Quantificational, Pragmatic and Aspectual Features of the *bĂ­- Verbal Formation in Sumerian, Dissertation. UCLA, Los Angeles [4] Archived 2013-06-22 at the Wayback Machine
  111. ^ a b c d Jagersma (2010: 109-113)
  112. ^ a b Thomsen (2001: 61)
  113. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 114-116)
  114. ^ a b Foxvog (2016: 23)
  115. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 270-272)
  116. ^ Edzard (2003: 25, 31-32), Jagersma (2010: 270-271), Rubio (2007: 1329), Mihalowski (2004). Thomsen (2001: 65) holds the minority view that they express a superlative.
  117. ^ Thomsen (2001: 62)
  118. ^ Thomsen (2001: 63), Michalowski (2004)
  119. ^ Here and in the following, vowel-initial morphemes are denoted in parentheses with the cuneiform sign for the corresponding vowel-initial syllable, but in actual spelling, signs for consonant-vowel sequences are typically used after consonant-final stems.
  120. ^ Jagersma (2010: 137-188, 428-441)
  121. ^ Jagersma (2010: 154)
  122. ^ Jagersma (2010: 161-163)
  123. ^ Jagersma (2010: 180-182)
  124. ^ Jagersma (2010: 196-200)
  125. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 439)
  126. ^ Jagersma (2010: 193)
  127. ^ Jagersma (2010: 137)
  128. ^ Edzard (2003: 158-159)
  129. ^ Jagersma (2010: 615-617)
  130. ^ ZĂłlyomi, GĂĄbor (2014). Grzegorek, Katarzyna; Borowska, Anna; Kirk, Allison (eds.). Copular Clauses and Focus Marking in Sumerian. De Gruyter. p. 8. ISBN 978-3-11-040169-1. Retrieved 21 July 2016.
  131. ^ a b Edzard (2003: 55-56)
  132. ^ a b Thomsen (2001: 67)
  133. ^ Jagersma (2010: 210-211)
  134. ^ Thomsen 2001: 68
  135. ^ Foxvog (2016: 30)
  136. ^ Edzard (2003: 55)
  137. ^ Thomsen (2001: 73), ZĂłlyomi (2017: 39)
  138. ^ Jagersma (2009: 220-225)
  139. ^ Jagersma (2010: 225-228), Edzard (2003: 57)
  140. ^ Edzard (2003: 49)
  141. ^ Jagersma (2003: 228)
  142. ^ a b c Jagersma (2003: 228-229)
  143. ^ Foxvog (2016: 35)
  144. ^ a b Thomsen (2001: 119)
  145. ^ Edzard (2003: 27)
  146. ^ Thomsen (2001: 77)
  147. ^ Jagersma (2010: 59)
  148. ^ Edzard (2003: 59), Thomsen (2001: 78)
  149. ^ Jagersma (2010: 231-234)
  150. ^ Foxvog (2016: 36)
  151. ^ Jagersma (2010: 234-239)
  152. ^ ZĂłlyomi (2018: 92)
  153. ^ Jagersma (2010: 268-269)
  154. ^ Jagersma (2010: 278)
  155. ^ Jagersma (2010: 279-281)
  156. ^ Jagersma (2010: 282-283)
  157. ^ Jagersma (2010: 284)
  158. ^ Stephen Chrisomalis (2010). Numerical Notation: A Comparative History. Cambridge University Press. p. 236. ISBN 978-0-521-87818-0. Retrieved 2021-02-25.
  159. ^ Halloran pdf 1999, p. 46.
  160. ^ Halloran pdf 1999, p. 37.
  161. ^ Halloran pdf 1999, p. 8.
  162. ^ Halloran pdf 1999, p. 35.
  163. ^ a b Halloran pdf 1999, p. 11.
  164. ^ Halloran pdf 1999.
  165. ^ a b Halloran pdf 1999, p. 59.
  166. ^ Halloran pdf 1999, p. 20.
  167. ^ Jagersma (2010: 244)
  168. ^ Jagersma (2010: 256)
  169. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 246-250)
  170. ^ Jagersma (2010: 260-267)
  171. ^ See e.g. Rubio 2007, Attinger 1993, ZĂłlyomi 2005 ("Sumerisch". In: Sprachen des Alten Orients, ed. M. Streck), PPCS Morphological model Archived October 25, 2012, at the Wayback Machine
  172. ^ E.g. Attinger 1993, Rubio 2007
  173. ^ Jagersma (2010: 526-528)
  174. ^ Jagersma 2010 (552-555)
  175. ^ Jagersma (2010: 562)
  176. ^ Jagersma (2010: 558-560)
  177. ^ a b Jagersma 2010: 518
  178. ^ a b Jagersma 2010: 569-570
  179. ^ Edzard (2003: 115)
  180. ^ Jagersma (2010: 518-521)
  181. ^ Jagersma 2010: 579
  182. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 574-575)
  183. ^ Edzard (2003: 240)
  184. ^ Edzard (2003: 117)
  185. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 578-579), citing Falkenstein.
  186. ^ Thomsen (2001: 207-208), citing Th. Jacobsen.
  187. ^ a b Edzard (2003: 120)
  188. ^ Foxvog (2016: 109)
  189. ^ Jagersma (2010: 287, 743)
  190. ^ Rubio 2007 and references therein
  191. ^ Woods 2008, ZĂłlyomi 1993.
  192. ^ Cf. Edzard (2003: 109).
  193. ^ a b c d e Jagersma (2010: 535-542)
  194. ^ Cf. Thomsen (2001: 163), Rubio (2007: 1347) and Foxvog (2016: 65), who even regards /i-/ as a mere "prosthetic vowel".
  195. ^ Cf. also Edzard (2003: 111-112), Foxvog (2016: 66).
  196. ^ a b Cf. Thomsen (2001: 187), Edzard (2003: 111-112), Foxvog (2016: 66), Rubio (2007: 1351).
  197. ^ Jagersma (2010: 543-548)
  198. ^ Jagersma (2010: 548-549)
  199. ^ Cf. Foxvog (2016: 91), Edzard (2003: 92).
  200. ^ Jagersma (2010: 504-509)
  201. ^ Jagersma (2010: 507-508). Cf. Rubio (2007: 1347-1348), Thomsen (2001: 182-183).
  202. ^ Rubio (2007: 1347-1348), Thomsen (2001: 182-183)
  203. ^ Woods (2008: 303-307)
  204. ^ a b Foxvog (2016: 94-95)
  205. ^ Cf. Foxvog (2016: 91), Edzard (2003: 103-109), partially accepted by Thomsen (2001: 173) and Woods (2008: 153-160).
  206. ^ Cf. Foxvog (2016: 91), Edzard (2003: 103-109), Thomsen (2001: 173) and, with some reservations, Woods (2008: 143-153).
  207. ^ Jagersma (2010: 530, 499)
  208. ^ Jagersma (2010: 501)
  209. ^ Cf. Foxvog (2016: 91), Rubio (2007: 1355), and Falkenstein cited in Thomsen (2001: 177); Thomsen (2001) herself instead believes /mi-ni-/ to be derived from /bi-ni-/.
  210. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 417)
  211. ^ Thomsen (2001: 183-184) accepts this with reservations. Foxvog (2016: 85) recognises the connection and the directive meaning, but rejects the /b-i-/ sequence as a whole, viewing the /i/ as epenthetic.
  212. ^ Rubio (2007: 1347) recognises this, but considers the first element to be /ba-/. Thomsen (2001: 183-184) accepts the analysis as /b-i/ with reservations.
  213. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 400-401)
  214. ^ Cf. Thomsen (2001: 183), Edzard (2003: 94), Foxvog (2016: 73). In contrast, Rubio (2007: 1349) and Woods (2008: 305) are sceptical.
  215. ^ Cf. Edzard (2003: 94), Foxvog (2016: 73).
  216. ^ Jagersma (2010: 400, 742)
  217. ^ Cf. Foxvog (2016: 75) and the slightly different description in ZĂłlyomi (2018: 78, 80-81).
  218. ^ Jagersma (2010: 383-384).
  219. ^ Jagersma (2010: 447-448)
  220. ^ Jagersma (2010: 487-496)
  221. ^ a b Cf. Thomsen (2001: 183), Edzard (2003: 95), Woods (2008: 303), Rubio (2007: 1349), Foxvog (2016: 75).
  222. ^ ZĂłlyomi (2018: 159), Jagersma (2010: 491-492)
  223. ^ Cf. Woods (2008: 306-307), Edzard (2003: 95), Foxvog (2016: 74-75).
  224. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 487-494)
  225. ^ Jagersma (2010: 400)
  226. ^ Cf. Foxvog (2016: 91-92), Woods (2008: 316), Edzard (2003: 92-93). Thomsen (2003: 162-163), following Falkenstein, recognises the connection with /ba-/ and /bi-/, but not the connection with /im-/. Rubio (2007: 1348, 1350-1351) does view /immi-/ as related to /imma-/ in the same as /bi-/ is to /ba-/ (as a sequence of it and the directive prefix), but rejects the connection with /ba-/ and /bi-/ and considers /imma-/ a gemination of /mu-/.
  227. ^ Jagersma (2010: 513-516)
  228. ^ Jagersma 2010, Foxvog 2016, ZĂłlyomi 2017.
  229. ^ Jagersma (2010: 8, 470-473)
  230. ^ Jagersma (2010: 381-389, 327-338). The pronominal prefix set used before dimensional prefixes and the one used as subject/object markers before the stem are commonly listed separately, but the latter are a subset of the former.
  231. ^ Edzard 2003: 87
  232. ^ Michalowski 2004
  233. ^ a b Jagersma (2009: 337-339)
  234. ^ a b c ZĂłlyomi (2018: 125-126, 162-163)
  235. ^ Jagersma (2010: 401, 421-423)
  236. ^ Rubio (2007: 1351)
  237. ^ Jagersma (2010: 404, 409-410)
  238. ^ Jagersma (2010: 454-455)
  239. ^ Jagersma (2010: 481-482)
  240. ^ Jagersma (2010: 449)
  241. ^ Jagersma (2010: 482-486)
  242. ^ Jagersma (2010: 442, 445)
  243. ^ a b c ZĂłlyomi (2000). "Structural interference from Akkadian in Old Babylonian Sumerian" (PDF). Acta Sumerologica. 22. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2021-02-28. Retrieved 2008-07-20.
  244. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 392-396, 458-459, 474)
  245. ^ ZĂłlyomi (2018: 201-221)
  246. ^ Jagersma (2010: 165)
  247. ^ Jagersma (2010: 400-403)
  248. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 388, 508-509)
  249. ^ a b ZĂłlyomi (2018: 81)
  250. ^ a b Rubio 2007
  251. ^ ZĂłlyomi 1993 and 2018, Attinger 1993, Edzard (2003: 98), Jagersma 2010: 468, 477-478; originally posited by Falkenstein. Referenced and disputed by Foxvog (2016: 87-88)
  252. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 530, 499)
  253. ^ Jagersma (2010: 478)
  254. ^ Jagersma (2010: 418-419), Zolyomi (2018: 215, 219)
  255. ^ Jagersma (2010: 381-382, 391-392, 447, 509-511)
  256. ^ Jagersma (2010: 509-511)
  257. ^ The possibility is mentioned by Foxvog (2016: 93); the question is discussed in detail in Attinger (1993: §178a).
  258. ^ Jagersma (2010: 391-392, 447, 509-511)
  259. ^ Jagersma (2010: 353-356)
  260. ^ Mostly based on Jagersma (2010: 359-363) and ZĂłlyomi (2018: 126-127). Cf. also Foxvog (2016: 62-63), Thomsen: (2001: 142-154), Michalowski (2004), Rubio (2007: 1357-1359), Edzard (2003: 81-89) for slightly different descriptions or formulations.
  261. ^ a b Edzard (2003: 84-85)
  262. ^ Attinger 1993, Khachikyan 2007: "Towards the Aspect System in Sumerian". In: Babel und Bibel 3.)
  263. ^ a b See references and objections by Jagersma (2010: 363).
  264. ^ Jagersma 2010: (364-366)...
  265. ^ Jagersma (2010: 339-340)
  266. ^ a b Jagersma (2010:314), ZĂłlyomi (2018: 139)
  267. ^ ZĂłlyomi (2018: 139), Foxvog (2016: 120)
  268. ^ a b Rubio (2007: 1338)
  269. ^ a b Thomsen (2001: 125)
  270. ^ Rubio (2007: 1337)
  271. ^ Jagersma (2010: 314-315)
  272. ^ ZĂłlyomi (2018: 137-140)
  273. ^ Edzard (2003: 74-79)
  274. ^ Jagersma (2010: 318-319)
  275. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 312-314)
  276. ^ Zolyomi (2018: 129)
  277. ^ ZĂłlyomi 2018: 129
  278. ^ Jagersma (2010: 317)
  279. ^ ZĂłlyomi (2018: 139), Jagersma (2010: 311), Thomsen (2001: 133-136)
  280. ^ Thomsen (2001: 133-136)
  281. ^ ZĂłlyomi 2005
  282. ^ (Foxvog 2016: 126-127)
  283. ^ Edzard (2003: 82)
  284. ^ Jagersma (2010: 368-371)
  285. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 656-660)
  286. ^ Jagersma (2010: 372-380)
  287. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 556)
  288. ^ Edzard (2003: 128)
  289. ^ Jagersma (2010: 504)
  290. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 628-629)
  291. ^ Jagersma (2010: 630-636)
  292. ^ "Epsd2/Sux/ĆĄum[give]". Archived from the original on 2021-09-26. Retrieved 2021-02-21.
  293. ^ Jagersma (2010: 638-640)
  294. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 627)
  295. ^ Jagersma (2010: 674-675)
  296. ^ Jagersma (2010: 627-676)
  297. ^ Edzard (2003: 135-136)
  298. ^ Foxvog (2016: 139-144)
  299. ^ Jagersma (2010: 655-659)
  300. ^ Foxvog (2016: 144-145)
  301. ^ Jagersma (2010: 685)
  302. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 677-678)
  303. ^ Jagersma (2010: 717-718)
  304. ^ ZĂłlyomi (2018: 112)
  305. ^ Jagersma (2010: 706-710)
  306. ^ Jagersma (2010: 303-307)
  307. ^ Jagersma (2010: 494)
  308. ^ Zolyomi (2018: 223-226) Jagersma (2010: 429-433)
  309. ^ a b ZĂłlyomi 1993
  310. ^ Jagersma (2010: 614-615)
  311. ^ Edzard (2003: 160)
  312. ^ a b Jagersma (2010: 594-626)
  313. ^ Edzard (2003: 152)
  314. ^ Edzard (2003: 154)
  315. ^ Jagersma (2010: 644-649)
  316. ^ Jagersma (2009: 672–674)
  317. ^ Jagersma (2010: 301)
  318. ^ Jagersma (2010: 97-99)
  319. ^ Jagersma (2010: 99-100)
  320. ^ Edzard (2003: 162)
  321. ^ Jagersma (2010: 100)
  322. ^ Edzard (2003: 157-158)
  323. ^ Jagersma (2010: 712-713)
  324. ^ Jagersma (2010: 230-231)
  325. ^ (Jagersma 2010: 228)
  326. ^ Jagersma (2010: 74)
  327. ^ Johnson 2004:22
  328. ^ Jagersma (2010: 101)
  329. ^ Jagersma (2010: 309)
  330. ^ Jagersma (2010: 130)
  331. ^ Jagersma (2010: 118-119)
  332. ^ Jagersma (2010: 116-126)
  333. ^ Thomsen (2003: 58)
  334. ^ Jagersma (2010: 126)
  335. ^ Jagersma (2010: 281-283)
  336. ^ Rubio 2007, p. 1369.
  337. ^ Sylvain Auroux (2000). History of the Language Sciences. Vol. 1. Walter de Gruyter. p. 2. ISBN 978-3-11-019400-5.
  338. ^ Hartmann, Henrike (1960). Die Musik der Sumerischen Kultur. p. 138.
  339. ^ Rubio (2007). Morphology of Asia and Africa. Eisenbrauns. p. 1370. ISBN 978-1-57506-109-2.
  340. ^ Jagersma 2010: 7
  341. ^ Foxvog, Daniel A. Introduction to Sumerian grammar (PDF). pp. 16–17, 20–21. Archived (PDF) from the original on January 3, 2017 (about phonemes g̃ and ƙ and their representation using cuneiform signs).
  342. ^ Jagersma, A. H. A descriptive grammar of Sumerian (PDF) (Thesis). pp. 43–45, 50–51. Archived (PDF) from the original on November 25, 2015 (about phonemes g̃ and ƙ and their representation using cuneiform signs).
  343. ^ a b "CDLI-Found Texts". cdli.ucla.edu. Retrieved 2018-03-12.
  344. ^ "Cone of Enmetena, king of Lagash". 2020. Archived from the original on 2020-02-27. Retrieved 2020-02-27.

Bibliography

  • Attinger, Pascal (1993). ElĂ©ments de linguistique sumĂ©rienne: La construction de du11/e/di. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht. ISBN 3-7278-0869-1.
  • Bartelmus, Alexa (2016). Fragmente einer großen Sprache. Sumerisch im Kontext der Schreiberausbildung des kassitenzeitlichen Babylonien. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
  • Civil, Miquel (2020). EsbĂłs de gramĂ tica sumĂšria. An outline of Sumerian grammar. A cura de LluĂ­s Feliu Institut del PrĂČxim Orient Antic.
  • Delitzsch, Friedrich (1914). GrundzĂŒge der sumerischen Grammatik. J. C. Hinrichs. OCLC 923551546.
  • Dewart, Leslie (1989). Evolution and Consciousness: The Role of Speech in the Origin and Development of Human Nature. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0-8020-2690-7.
  • Diakonoff, I. M. (1976). "Ancient Writing and Ancient Written Language: Pitfalls and Peculiarities in the Study of Sumerian" (PDF). Assyriological Studies. 20 (Sumerological Studies in Honor of Thorkild Jakobsen): 99–121. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2019-08-03. Retrieved 2018-09-23.
  • Edzard, Dietz Otto (2003). Sumerian Grammar. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 90-04-12608-2. (grammar treatment for the advanced student)
  • Halloran, John (11 August 1999). "Sumerian Lexicon" (PDF). Sumerian Language Page. Archived (PDF) from the original on 26 January 2021. Retrieved 20 February 2021.
  • Halloran, John Alan (2006). Sumerian Lexicon: A Dictionary Guide to the Ancient Sumerian Language. Logogram Pub. ISBN 978-0978-64291-4.
  • Hayes, John (1990; 3rd revised ed. 2018), A Manual of Sumerian: Grammar and Texts. UNDENA, Malibu CA. ISBN 978-0-9798937-4-2. (primer for the beginning student)
  • Hayes, John (1997), Sumerian. Languages of the World/Materials #68, LincomEuropa, Munich. ISBN 3-929075-39-3. (41 pp. prĂ©cis of the grammar)
  • Jagersma, B. (2009), A Descriptive Grammar of Sumerian, Universitet Leiden, The Netherlands.
  • Jestin, J. (1951), AbrĂ©gĂ© de Grammaire SumĂ©rienne, Geuthner, Paris. ISBN 2-7053-1743-0. (118pp overview and sketch, in French)
  • Langdon, Stephen Herbert (1911). A Sumerian Grammar and Chrestomathy, with a Vocabulary of the Principal Roots in Sumerian, and List of the Most Important Syllabic and Vowel Transcriptions, by Stephen Langdon ... P. Geuthner. OCLC 251014503.
  • Michalowski, Piotr (1980). "Sumerian as an Ergative Language". Journal of Cuneiform Studies. 32 (2): 86–103. doi:10.2307/1359671. JSTOR 1359671. S2CID 164022054.
  • Michalowski,Piotr, (2004), "Sumerian", The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the World's Ancient Languages pp 19–59, ed. Roger Woodward. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-05-2156-256-0.
  • Pinches, Theophilus G., "Further Light upon the Sumerian Language.", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1914, pp. 436–40
  • Prince, John D. (1908). Materials for a Sumerian lexicon with a grammatical introduction. Assyriologische Bibliothek, 19. Hinrichs. OCLC 474982763.
  • Prince, J. Dynely (October 1914). "Delitzsch's Sumerian Grammar". American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures. 31 (1). U of Chicago: 67–78. doi:10.1086/369755. ISSN 1062-0516. S2CID 170226826.
  • Rubio, Gonzalo (2007), "Sumerian Morphology". In Morphologies of Asia and Africa, vol. 2, pp. 1327–1379. Edited by Alan S. Kaye. Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, IN, ISBN 1-57506-109-0.
  • Rubio, Gonzalo (2009), "Sumerian Literature". In Carl S. Ehrlich (ed.). From an antique land : an introduction to ancient Near Eastern literature. Rowman & Littlefield.
  • Thomsen, Marie-Louise (2001) [1984]. The Sumerian Language: An Introduction to Its History and Grammatical Structure. Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag. ISBN 87-500-3654-8. (Well-organized with over 800 translated text excerpts.)
  • Viano, Maurizio. 2016. The Reception of Sumerian Literature in the Western Periphery. Venezia: Edizioni Ca’ Foscari.
  • Volk, Konrad (1997). A Sumerian Reader. Rome: Pontificio Istituto Biblico. ISBN 88-7653-610-8. (collection of Sumerian texts, some transcribed, none translated)
  • Woods, Cristopher. 2008. The Grammar of Perspective: The Sumerian Conjugation Prefixes as a System of Voice. Leiden: Brill.
  • ZĂłlyomi, GĂĄbor. 2017. An Introduction to the Grammar of Sumerian. Open Access textbook, Budapest. Link 1 Link 2

Further reading

  • Friedrich Delitzsch (1914). Sumerisches glossar. J. C. Hinrichs. p. 295. Retrieved 2011-07-05.
  • Ebeling, J., & Cunningham, G. (2007). Analysing literary Sumerian : corpus-based approaches. London: Equinox. ISBN 1-84553-229-5
  • [5] Archived 2023-03-11 at the Wayback MachineGeng, Jinrui, "An Outline of the Synchronic and Diachronic Variations of Sumerian", 2nd International Conference on Education, Language and Art (ICELA 2022). Atlantis Press, 2023.
  • Halloran, J. A. (2007). Sumerian lexicon: a dictionary guide to the ancient Sumerian language. Los Angeles, Calif: Logogram. ISBN 0-9786429-1-0

External links

  • General
    • Akkadian Unicode Font (to see Cuneiform text) Archive
  • Linguistic overviews
    • A Descriptive Grammar of Sumerian by Abraham Hendrik Jagersma (preliminary version)
    • Sumerisch (An overview of Sumerian by Ernst Kausen, in German)
    • Chapter VI of Magie chez les ChaldĂ©ens et les origines accadiennes (1874) by François Lenormant: the state of the art in the dawn of Sumerology, by the author of the first ever [6] grammar of "Akkadian"
  • Dictionaries
    • Electronic Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary (EPSD)
    • Electronic Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary (EPSD) 2
    • Elementary Sumerian Glossary by Daniel A. Foxvog (after M. Civil 1967)
  • Corpora
    • The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature (ETCSL). Includes translations.
    • The Open Richly Annotated Cuneiform Corpus, including several Sumerian sub-corpora; notably, The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Royal Inscriptions, Corpus of Kassite Sumerian Texts, Bilinguals in Late Mesopotamian Scholarship, Datenbank sumerischer Streitliteratur.
    • CDLI: Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative a large corpus of Sumerian texts in transliteration, largely from the Early Dynastic and Ur III periods, accessible with images.
    • Mesopotamian year names. Neo-Sumerian and Old Babylonian Date Formulae (a large part of the year names are in Sumerian)
  • Research
    • Online publications arising from the ETCSL project (PDF)
    • Structural Interference from Akkadian in Old Babylonian Sumerian by GĂĄbor ZĂłlyomi (PDF)
    • Other online publications by GĂĄbor ZĂłlyomi (PDF)
    • The Life and Death of the Sumerian Language in Comparative Perspective by Piotr Michalowski
    • Online publications by Cale Johnson (PDF)
    • ElĂ©ments de linguistique sumĂ©rienne (by Pascal Attinger, 1993; in French), at the digital library RERO DOC: Parts 1–4, Part 5.
    • The Origin of Ergativity in Sumerian, and the Inversion in Pronominal Agreement: A Historical Explanation Based on Neo-Aramaic parallels, by E. Coghill & G. Deutscher, 2002 at the Internet Archive
The Wikibook en:Sumerian has a page on the topic of: Sumerian language
Wiktionary has a word list at Appendix:Sumerian basic vocabulary
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